scholarly journals The many faces of political Islam: religion and politics in the Muslim world

2008 ◽  
Vol 45 (12) ◽  
pp. 45-7018-45-7018
2021 ◽  
pp. 65-94
Author(s):  
Nader Hashemi

This chapter focuses on the problem of misunderstanding religious politics in the Arab-Islamic world. The goal is to advance an objective historical and comparative framework for interpreting this subject. Two key themes that have been central to John Esposito’s scholarship are examined: the secular bias in modernization theory and the need for a historical and contextual understanding of the many faces of political Islam. To advance this argument, Michael Walzer’s The Paradox of Liberation: Secular Revolutions and Religious Counterrevolutions will be utilized, focusing on his discussion of Algeria and political Islam. It is argued that Walzer offers a typical liberal reading of this topic that upon examination is ideologically biased and analytically distorting. Ironically, his earlier writings on religion and politics provide a more useful interpretive framework for understanding the rise of religious politics in our contemporary world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-174
Author(s):  
Ana Sabhana Azmy ◽  
Amri Yusra

This article aims to look at the political views of the Jaringan Islam Liberal (Liberal Islam Network) in Indonesia. As a community that wants to carry out reforms with the spirit of modernization and rationality in religion, seeing it in political and democratic contestation in Indonesia is interesting. So this article questions two things; how does Jaringan Islam Liberal view the relevance of religion and politics? and how does Jaringan Islam Liberal view the implementation of democracy? The method used in this paper is a literature study that seeks to collect data from journal articles, books, and other related reading materials. This article shows that the Jaringan Islam Liberal (Liberal Islam Network) rejects forms of political Islam that try to formally fight for the superiority of Islamic value systems and symbols in the political sphere. They also reject the idea of an Islamic state and the formalization of shari'ah, and sees democracy as a value that must be implemented in a country. This is because it is in accordance with the basic rights that must be owned by individuals, which are known as human rights.


2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Matthew Cleary ◽  
Rebecca Glazier

Islamism proposes a vision of a society united by religion above all else – a vision that the West has difficulty theorizing and even comprehending. This vision and the social movements that have accompanied it are firmly rooted in the Muslim world’s history and traditions. This paper adopts a frame analytic perspective to examine and understand the progression of political Islam from the nationalism of the interwar period and beyond to the radical jihadism of today. In so doing, it contributes to the literature on framing by providing an analytically rich and theoretically valuable example of framing tactics in social movements. It also contributes to the growing literature on political Islam (Islamism) by providing a new and insightful perspective on its emergence and acceptance in the Muslim world.


2012 ◽  
pp. 133-156
Author(s):  
Pippa Norris ◽  
Ronald Inglehart

1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-107
Author(s):  
Mona Abul-Fadl

I would like to seize the opportunity of the theme of this conference tohighlight some of the flaws which taint and constrain American foreign policyin the Middle East and, more generally, in the Muslim world. I do so with thepurpose of exploring the possibilities for a change which would be to the advantageof all parties concerned, for while I believe that America’s Middle East policyis largely prompted by considerations of national self-interest and expediency,and that these might be subsumed under the category of ‘‘greed,’’ there still remainsa recurrent undertone and preoccupation with a moral self-justification that seeksgrounds of justice and right for all its pursuits. Beyond greed and morality,however, the determining factor for both dimensions is contingent upon ourperceptions, conceptions, and the ideas we have concerning the Other as wellas about what constitutes our own best interest and our particular morality. Thecontrols on our perceptions and self-understanding lie in a kind of treasure chestwhich we inherit or, to use a current idiom of the micro-chip generation, theylie in a floppy disk which lies in the eye of our mind. Whatever it is that we inherit,it comes not so much with our genes as with our cultural legacy, which istransmitted primarily through the process of our socialization. While suchperceptions may be decisive in shaping our attitudes towards the situations weencounter, they are not necessarily permanent, for acquired attitudes which havebeen learned can also be unlearned, although this is often a more complicatedprocess. In the realm of attitudes to the Muslim world, I feel that Americansare encumbered with a heavy legacy which lies at the root of the many enthusiasmsand complacencies which have time and again been reflected in American foreignpolicy and in American reactions to events in that region ...


2003 ◽  
Vol 20 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 203-205
Author(s):  
Jay Willoughby

This book is divided into nine sections: an opening section with intro ductoryessays, followed by eight chapters that discuss the writers' viewson certain issues. Each section contains several essays of anywhere frombetween three to six pages. Given the number of authors, I will mentiononly some of the points made in each section.In his introduction, Michael Wolfe lays out the book's generalpremise: Maybe it is time to stop looking to the "motherland" for ourunderstandings of Islam and Islamic tradition. Maybe it is time to growup. This call is sure to find a resonance among the many Muslims whoare tired of imported imams and imported books that are so far removedfrom our own reality in the West. Farid Esack brings up an interestingpoint: Historically, Muslims have known only two paradigms: oppression(Makkah) and governing (Madinah). However, given current realities,they must adopt a third kind: peaceful coexistence in a state of equality,as done by those Muslims who emigrated to Abyssinia.In "Violence," Khaled Abou El Fadl notes that Islam is concernedwith building and creating, and that ruining and destroying life is "an ultimateact of blasphemy against God." He writes that war is defensive anda last resort, that trade and technology are preferred, and that political discourseshave displaced moral discourses. Aasma Khan discusses hersmall group (Muslims against Terrorism), which was set up in the daysfollowing 9/11 to educate people "about the incompatibility oflslam withterrorist activities, hatred, and violence."In "Democracy," Karen Armstrong reminds us of several importantfacts: modernity/democracy is a process; that in the Muslim world, modernitywas imposed from above and has close ties with colonial subjugation/dependence, instead of independence; and that is imitation and not inno­vation. Religion, she asserts, can help people through the transition tomodernity. Alex Kronemer states that "the greatest obstacle to democracyin the Muslim world is not 'Islam,' it is poverty, the lack of education, andcorrupt and repressive regimes, many of which - and this is the importantpoint - are supported by the democracies of the West." This raises thequestion of whether the West really wants democracy in the Muslim world ...


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