Art in a Cool Climate: The Cultural Policy of the British State in European Context, c. 1780 to c. 1850*

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mandler
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Cultural Policy ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
The State ◽  
Napoleonic Wars ◽  
National Integration ◽  
European Context ◽  
Cultural Policies ◽  
British State ◽  
Cool Climate

Is it possible to speak of a ‘cultural policy’ of the ‘State’ in this period without falling into anachronism? Patronage of the fine arts had been a traditional (self-selected) responsibility of individual nobles and princes. Although sovereign nobles and princes were taking on in this period more explicit responsibilities for police and for more of their people, it is often difficult to distinguish between their activities as individual patrons, their activities as courtly patrons, and their activities as States. This chapters examines what was distinctive about the British State and its cultural policies in the period during and after the Napoleonic Wars. It argues that both the British State and its posture towards culture carried certain features that put them in the Western European mainstream towards the end of the eighteenth century. It also assesses the extent to which Britain was also affected by events in Europe, by which the fine arts were yoked bureaucratically to education and religion in programmes of national integration.

scholarly journals CULTURAL POLICY AND THE RISE OF MULTICULTURALISM STUDY OF FINE ARTS EXHIBITION IN THE 2000s, THE NATIONAL GALLERY OF INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Citra Smara Dewi
Keyword(s):  
Material Culture ◽  
Cultural Policy ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
National Gallery ◽  
Art Exhibition ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
Cultural Policies ◽  
Method Approach

This study focuses on the role of cultural policy in the rise of multiculturalism with a case study of the Indonesian Art Exhibition, Pameran Seni Rupa Nusantara (PSRN) 2000s, which was initiated by a cultural institution, the National Gallery of Indonesia (GNI). PSRN exhibition is one of the important programs of GNI because it gives space to the artists of the archipelago - not just Java and Bali - to present works of modern-contemporary art rooted in local wisdom. As a nation that has the characteristics of pluralism, the spirit of multiculturalism in art has become very significant, especially in the middle of the Disruption era which is "full of uncertainty". This article uses qualitative research with a historical method approach: heuristics, verification, interpretation and historiography, namely the process of writing history based on proven facts. Material Culture analysis approach, shows how history may be read and interpreted through objects/ artefacts/findings used by artists in their works. The results show that the Cultural Policy implemented by GNI is a combination of cultural policies that are authoritarian with the cultural policies of the Command, with an emphasis on the strength of the Potential Localization owned by the Indonesian people.

The Politics of Cultural Production during the Vargas Era, 1930–1945

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daryle Williams
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Cultural Production ◽  
Cultural Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Central State ◽  
Labor Party ◽  
Latin American History ◽  
Penal Colony ◽  
Cultural Policies

Short and stout in physical stature, Brazilian statesman Getúlio Dornelles Vargas (1882–1954) still stands as an outsize figure in modern Latin American history. The politician’s long political career began in the 1910s and spanned terms as state deputy, federal minister, state governor, chief of state four times over, and federal senator. Vargas spent nearly two decades in the presidential palace, the longest of any figure during the republican period. By the time his second democratically elected presidential term (and his life) ended on August 24, 1954, Vargas had been dragged down by personnel scandals, factionalism, and economic destabilization. He likened the political climate of the final months in office to a “sea of mud.” Yet in his sudden death the president was able to free himself from the muck. Among adherents of the Brazilian Labor Party and key sectors of the working poor, “Getúlio” was elevated to the status of civic sainthood. Even after military rule dismantled the Brazilian Labor Party and banished Vargas’s political heirs to exile, the Vargas state managed to endure. Forty years after Getúlio’s death-by-suicide, president-elect Fernando Henrique Cardoso imagined the state interventionism of the Vargas years to be finally over. In reality, Vargas and his era still survive in the enduring Brazilian vocation for statism. Reminders of Vargas and his era are found in the innumerable streets, plazas, and commemorative plaques that bear the name of a politician of enigmatic charms and confounding contradictions. This complex, resilient legacy draws in part from the bold accomplishments and ambiguous outcomes of the robust cultural policies of Vargas’s successive terms as chief of the provisional government (1930–1934), president (1934–1937), and president-dictator (1937–1945). Federal cultural policies during these fifteen years collectively known as the “First Vargas Regime” were innovative and far-reaching. Reversing decades of elite reverence for imported standards of civilization, official culture after 1930 was unapologetically and self-consciously nationalist. Policymakers, culture critics, entertainment entrepreneurs, and key figures in the arts and letters associated with the first Vargas regime self-presented as advocates for the cultural needs, aptitudes, and aspirations of the Brazilian povo (people). The central state, correspondingly, played a principal role in consolidating a canon of artistic and architectural treasures that endure in global imaginaries of Brazil and Brazilianness. Paradoxically, the democratizing impulses of cultural management during the first Vargas regime drew their legitimacy from state authoritarianism and anti-popular politics. Most notably during the Estado Novo dictatorship (November 10, 1937–October 29, 1945), cultural policy and programming worked in tandem with censorship and manufactured paranoia. State agents orchestrated acts of violence against ideas, symbols, and creative expressions branded inimical to national interests. “Subversive” books were burned; dissidents confronted silencing. Some authors went into exile and novelist Graciliano Ramos (1892–1953) spent ten miserable months on an island penal colony for unproven charges of participation in a Communist insurrection. The oppositionist newspaper O Estado de São Paulo was outright expropriated by the state. Although the Vargas era included the official elevation of Carnaval, samba, and capoeira as authentically national cultural idioms, Afro-Brazilian popular culture remained under the watchful eyes of local police. Numerous cultural expressions vaunted as organically democratic were, in fact, shaped by regime demagoguery, symbolic violence, and, ironically, internationalism. The bold, sometimes mystifying contours of state- and culture-making in Brazil during Vargas’s first regime are explored here.

THE CARING FISCAL-MILITARY STATE DURING THE SEVEN YEARS WAR, 1756–1763

2009 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 921-941 ◽  
Author(s):  
ERICA CHARTERS
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
German States ◽  
British State ◽  
Military Victory ◽  
Practical Level

ABSTRACTThis article re-examines the concept of the fiscal-military state in the context of the British armed forces during the Seven Years War (1756–63). This war, characteristic of British warfare during the eighteenth century, demonstrates that British victory depended on the state caring about the wellbeing of its troops, as well as being perceived to care. At the practical level, disease among troops led to manpower shortages and hence likely defeat, especially during sieges and colonial campaigns. During the 1762–3 Portuguese campaign, disease was regarded as a sign of ill-discipline, and jeopardized military and political alliances. At Havana in 1762, the fear, reports, and actual outbreaks of disease threatened American colonial support and recruitment for British campaigns. Throughout the controversial campaigns in the German states, disease was interpreted as a symptom of bad governance, and used in partisan criticisms concerning the conduct of the war. Military victory was not only about strategy, command, and technology, but nor was it solely a question of money. Manpower could not simply be bought, but needed to be nurtured in the long term through a demonstration that the British state cared about the welfare of its armies.

scholarly journals ALIEN SEAMEN IN THE BRITISH NAVY, BRITISH LAW, AND THE BRITISH STATE, c. 1793 – c. 1815

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 685-707 ◽  
Author(s):  
SARA CAPUTO
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Royal Navy ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Long Eighteenth Century ◽  
British State

AbstractDuring the ‘long eighteenth century’, several thousands of sailors born outside British territories served in the Royal Navy. This phenomenon, and the peculiarities of their employment compared to that of British seamen, remain largely unstudied. This paper aims to show that, as far as disabilities or privileges were concerned, official legislation only played a very small part in making alien seamen's experiences in the navy distinct from those of their British colleagues. More broadly, this article argues that, whilst transnationalism can be overemphasized, there are specific contexts and groups of people for which the power of the state falters when it comes to obstructing movement, and indeed it is forced, for its very survival, to act strategically against the barrier to circulation that frontiers normally constitute. In similar circumstances, the origins of the individuals concerned, intended as official labels that states normally use to classify them, control them, and claim or disclaim ownership over them, can become all but meaningless. Thus, naval sailors, as useful state servants, can be an excellent case-study to understand the category of legal ‘foreignness’ as it developed in modern nation-states, and the tensions inherent to it.

Britannia's Auxiliaries

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Conway
Keyword(s):  
Social Support ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
British Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
Private Interests ◽  
Financial Investments ◽  
British Case ◽  
British State ◽  
Extensive Involvement

This book provides the first wide-ranging attempt to consider the continental European contribution to the eighteenth-century British Empire. The British benefited from many different European inputs—financial, material, and, perhaps most importantly, human. Continental Europeans appeared in different British imperial sites as soldiers, settlers, scientists, sailors, clergymen, merchants, and technical experts. They also sustained the empire from without—through their financial investments, their consumption of British imperial goods, their supply of European products, and by aiding British imperial communication. Continental Europeans even provided Britons with social support from their own imperial bases. Britannia’s Auxiliaries explores the means by which continental Europeans came to play a part in British imperial activity, at a time when, at least in theory, overseas empires were meant to be exclusionary structures, intended to serve national purposes. It looks at the ambitions of the continental Europeans themselves, and at the encouragement given to their participation both by private interests in the British Empire and by the British state. Despite the extensive involvement of continental Europeans, the empire remained essentially British. Indeed, the empire seems to have changed the Europeans who entered it more than they changed the empire. This study, then, qualifies recent scholarly emphasis on the transnational forces that undermined the efforts of imperial authorities to maintain control of their empires. In the British case, the state seems, for the most part, to have managed the process of continental involvement in ways that furthered British interests.

Governing Culture, Producing Modern Citizens

2021 ◽  
pp. 90-119
Author(s):  
Banu Karaca
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Art And Politics ◽  
Cultural Policies ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Greater Good ◽  
Administrative Units ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 3 shows how ideas of art as a greater good have been translated into Turkish and German cultural policies. It begins with a general overview of cultural policy as a domain of statecraft rooted in modernist notions of aesthetic education as essential for modern personhood and then turns to the fundamental contradictions that characterize the interlocution of art and administration. It revisits and retells major debates and turning points in Turkish and German arts policies of the twentieth century by examining forgotten episodes of this history that allow for re-evaluating the present. These include the heated discussions on the relationship between art and politics in the early Turkish republic that resulted in a constant reshuffling of the administrative units in charge of the arts, and the fact that engagements abroad, including arts initiatives in the Ottoman Empire, were formative for Imperial Germany’s domestic cultural policy. Analyzing the tension between art as a supposedly functionless good and the many ways in which the state mobilizes different understandings of art for its own purposes, the chapter shows how the critical potential of art always also presents a risk that the state needs to contend with.

V.—Etiquette and the Planning of the State Apartments in Baroque Palaces

Archaeologia ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 101 ◽  
pp. 169-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Murray Baillie
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
The State

The origins of this inquiry lie in my work after the war as a Monuments, Fine Arts, and Archives Officer in Germany when, during a joint inspection of a large eighteenth-century palace under our care, a German colleague, struck perhaps by the realization of the ugly, indeed the insolent, contrast between its battered splendours and the surrounding desolation, said to me almost apologetically: ‘After all, it was built in imitation of Versailles!’

scholarly journals Irish Convict Transportation and the Reach of the State in Late Hanoverian Britain

2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-85
Author(s):  
Simon Devereaux
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
New South ◽  
New South Wales ◽  
The State ◽  
Leeward Islands ◽  
Cape Breton ◽  
South Wales ◽  
Convict Transportation ◽  
British State

Abstract The difficulties encountered by English authorities in resuming the regular and effective transportation of convicts overseas between the loss of the original American destination in 1775 and the opening of a penal settlement in New South Wales in 1787 are well known to historians of criminal justice. Far less so is the contemporaneous convict crisis in Ireland. This article considers the practice of convict transportation from Ireland throughout the eighteenth century. In particular, it examines a series of three dramatic incidents of the late 1780s in which Irish convicts were unscrupulously (though not illegally) abandoned in Cape Breton, Newfoundland and the Leeward Islands. It argues, first, that such practices were not entirely surprising given the great difficulties that had often been experienced in transporting convicts from Ireland even before 1775. It goes on to suggest that the subsequent decision of authorities in London to assume a directive role in the transportation of Irish convicts was informed by changing perceptions of the British state in both its national and imperial dimensions.

Introduction

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Blanning ◽  
Hagen Schulze
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Policy ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Vernacular Literature ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
European Culture ◽  
National Opera ◽  
Marked Decline ◽  
British State ◽  
National Languages

Held in September 2003, the conference on ‘Unity and diversity in European culture, c. 1800’ was a joint initiative on the part of the British Academy and the German Historical Institute London. It tackled a topic of central importance to the historiography of Europe during the period: the transition from the cosmopolitan culture of the Enlightenment to the self-consciously national cultures of the nineteenth century. The nine papers, when presented at the conference, were divided into three sessions in which attendees discussed topics ranging from art and its publics, the idea of a national opera, the invention of German music, political culture, cosmopolitanism, patriotism, nationalism, the cultural policy of the British state in European perspective from 1780 to 1850, the invention of national languages, representations of the past in Irish vernacular literature from 1650 to 1850, the marked decline in the degree and importance of patronage by the churches and the nobility, the decline of international languages in favour of national vernaculars and the significance of the ‘fine arts’ as being conducive to social harmony, economic prosperity and political stability.

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