scholarly journals The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Party (E.P.R.P.) Formation, Structure and Program

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Bezlutska O.

The purpose of the article. The article is devoted to the coverage of the main milestones in the life and work of a prominent zoologist, breeder, ecologist, conservationist, military and political figure, science fiction writer – Boris Konstantinovich Fortunatov (1886–1940?).Results and scientific novelty of the research. On the basis of archival and literary sources, the years of B. Fortunatov's studies and his participation in the Socialist-Revolutionary Party (SR) are considered. His role in the revolutionary events of 1905 and 1917, the First World War and the Civil War is analyzed. It is noted that the first scientific publication of the 25-year-old Fortunatov was devoted to the synthesis of bread. It was found that in 1920, after arriving at the former estate of F. Falz-Fein – Askania-Nova – there were radical changes in the life of B. Fortunatov. From that time until the last days of his life he dealt with environmental protection issues. Thanks to his enthusiasm and persistence that the Askania-Nova Reserve was saved from looting and ruin. Heading first the scientific part of the reserve, and then as the head of the zoo B. Fortunatov conducted research on the revival of the bison population and aurochs; fought robbers; studied the origin of Askanian pheasants; saved the Askanian steppes from ruin. It is noted that in different years he headed the following reserves: Askania-Nova, Crimean, Primorsky, Caucasian; worked at the Moscow Zoo, and even designed a new zoo in this city. It is stated that at the territory of the special settlement he continued his scientific activities. Heading a research station for animal husbandry, the scientist observed the fauna and flora of Saryrki; explored the desert steppes of Central Kazakhstan; organized sheep farms in order to breed fat-tailed sheep; engaged in the improvement of cattle breeds; developed a method and program for new breeds of cattle; justified the need to create the Karkalinsky State Nature Park.Key words: Fortunatov, environmental protection, Askania-Nova, reserves, animal hybridization. Мета роботи. Стаття присвячена висвітленню основних віх життя та діяльності видатного вченого-зоолога, селекціонера, еколога, захисника природи, військового і політичного діяча, письменника-фантаста – Бориса Костянтиновича Фортунатова (1886 – 1940?). Результати та наукова новизна дослідження. На основі архівних та літературних джерел розглянуто роки навчання Б. Фортунатова та його участі партії соціалістів-революціонерів. Показано його роль в революційних подіях 1905 та 1917 рр., Першій світовій та Громадянській війнах. Звернено увагу, що першу наукову публікацію 25-річний Фортунатов присвятив синтезу хліба. З’ясовано, що з 1920 р., після прибуття до колишнього маєтку Ф. Фальц-Фейна – Асканії-Нова – відбулися кардинальні зміни у житті Б. Фортунатова. З цього часу і до останніх днів його життя було пов’язане з охороною природи. Саме завдяки ентузіазму та наполегливості вченого заповідник Асканія-Нова було врятовано від пограбувань та розорення. Очолюючи спочатку наукову частину заповідника, а потім будучи завідувачем зоопарку Б. Фортунатов проводив дослідження з відродження популяції зубра та тура; боровся з браконьєрами; вивчав походження асканійських фазанів; добивався збереження асканійських степів від розорення. Зазначено, що у різні роки він очолював заповідники: Асканія-Нова, Кримський, Приморські, Кавказький; працював у Московському зоопарку, і, навіть, займався проектуванням нового зоопарку у цьому місті. Вказано, що перебуваючи на спецпоселенні він продовжив займатися науковою діяльністю. Очолюючи науково-дослідну станцію з тваринництва вчений проводив спостереження за фауною і флорою Сариркі; досліджував пустельні степи Центрального Казахстану; організував вівчарні з метою виведення курдючної вівці; займався покращенням порід великої рогатої худоби; розробив методику та програму створення нових порід великої рогатої худоби; обґрунтував необхідність створення Каркалінського державного парку природи. Ключові слова: Фортунатов, охорона природи, Асканія-Нова, заповідники, гібридизація тварин.


Author(s):  
Andrei V. Mankov

In the second half of the XIX century, revolutionary terrorism emerged in the territory of the Russian Empire. This particular kind of socio-political violence was promoted in those years by some populist groups that worked primarily in Moscow and St. Petersburg, for example, the Ishutin circle, which consisted mainly of students. One of its participants, a former student D. Karakozov, shot at the Russian Emperor Alexander II 155 years ago in April 1866 in St. Petersburg. The most famous “revolutionary terrorists” of Russia were members of the largest Russian opposition political organization of the XIX century, “Narodnaya Volya”, most of whom were, as one used to say then, raznochinets. Revolutionary terrorism in the empire reached its peak in the first years of the XX century (1902–1907), when it became part of the strategy and tactics of a number of opposition political parties and organizations of neo-populist orientation. They acted both in the national regions of the country (Little Russia, Transcaucasia) and in Russian capitals and regions. First of all, this has to do with the All-Russian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs). At the same time, in the territory of the Russian provinces in the era of brutal revolutionary terrorism in the country, not only the Socialist revolutionaries had their revolutionary-terrorist (combat) formations. So, during this period, terrorist units were created by the SR Maximalists who left the party during the First Russian Revolution and contributed to the ideological and organizational split of the Social Revolutionaries. In the same years, various anarchist structures had combat organizations. Having become a significant phenomenon of the socio-political life of a huge country, terrorism drew representatives of different social groups of the population into its practice. What was the role of the peasantry in the Socialist-Revolutionary terror? The author gives examples where the peasants of the Simbirsk Volga region took part in carrying out terrorist attacks. The researcher concludes that Russian peasants were among the active participants in combat units, which is clearly seen in the examples of combat structures of Simbirsk provincial organization of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, in the ranks of which, for example, in rural areas, there were combat squads consisting mainly of peasants.


2008 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 1730
Author(s):  
Joaquín M. Chávez

Lieutenant-Colonel José María Lemus, a protégé of President Oscar Osorio (1950-1956), roseto power in 1956. Lemus is often remembered as an authoritarian ruler, but at the outset of hispresidency he allowed the return of exiles and abolished the “Law in Defense of Democraticand Constitutional Order,” sanctioned during Osorio’s anti-communist crackdown in 1952.Lemus governed El Salvador during a period of declining prosperity as coffee prices plungedin the international markets, forcing an economic restructuring which had particularly negativeconsequences for the poor. But more importantly, the changing political landscape in LatinAmerica posed enormous challenges to Lemus, as opposition forces ousted Venezuelan dictatorMarcos Pérez Jiménez in January 1958 and revolutionaries led by Fidel Castro took power in Cubain January 1959. Political events in Venezuela and Cuba inspired a new wave of mobilization inEl Salvador led by the recently formed Partido Revolucionario Abril y Mayo (PRAM) and FrenteNacional de Orientación Cívica (FNOC) which challenged Lemus’ authoritarian regime. Whilethe local press followed step by step events in Cuba as reported by U.S. press agencies, Lemusand the Revolutionary Party of Democratic Unification (PRUD), the official party, showed arenewed determination to prevent the spread of “Cuban-inspired subversion” in El Salvador. Tothis end, Sidney Mazzini, a representative of the PRUD at the National Assembly envisioned theformation of what he termed a “sanitary cordon” around Cuba.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Teresa Sierra ◽  
Orlando Aragón

El año 2000 supuso un momento de una gran esperanza para amplios sectores sociales de México. La derrota electoral que sufrió ese año el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), que gobernó al país durante más de setenta años, parecía augurar nuevos aires al anquilosado Estado mexicano, una supuesta apertura para la construcción de relaciones más igualitarias con sectores sociales históricamente marginados, en especial con los indígenas, y en general lo que algunos grupos veían como el florecimiento, por fin, de una cultura cívica arraigada en prácticas democráticas y en el multipartidismo.Esta expectativa, sin embargo, pronto se desvaneció; no sólo no se produjeron los cambios esperados, sino que se profundizaron y sofisticaron las prácticas anti-democráticas del viejo régimen; así como la marginación y exclusión económica a causa de la radicalización de las políticas neoliberales que comenzaron con los últimos gobiernos del PRI. En el caso de los pueblos indígenas las acotadas reformas constitucionales del 2001, que les reconocieron derechos de libredeterminaciòn y autonomía, pronto mostraron sus límites al acompañarse de reglamentaciones que redujeron los alcances de los derechos reconocidos y que se acompañaron de políticas dirigidas a fomentar la privatización de las tierras indígenas y a facilitar la incursión del capital transnacional en zonas con recursos naturales atractivos a la demanda del capitalismo mundial.---INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND THE CHALLENGES OF THE LAW IN NEOLIBERAL CONTEXT: Between strategic use, dispossession and criminalization.The year 2000 marked a time of great hope for many social sectors in Mexico. The electoral defeat, that happened this year, of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which ruled the country for over seventy years, seemed to herald new life to the stagnant Mexican state, an alleged opening to the construction of more egalitarian relationships with historically marginalized social sectors, especially with the Indians, and in general, with what some groups saw as the flourishment of a civic culture rooted in democratic practices and in a multiparty system.These expectations soon faded, however; not only did it not produce the expected changes but it sophisticated and deepened anti-democratic practices of the old regime; as well as helped economic exclusion and marginalization because of the radicalization of neoliberal policies that began with the previous PRI governments. For indigenous peoples the bounded constitutional reforms of 2001, which recognized their rights of free self determination and autonomy, soon showed its limits accompanied by regulations that reduced the scope of rights granted and which were accompanied by policies to promote privatization of indigenous lands and to facilitate the incursion of transnational capital in areas with attractive natural resources to the demand of world capitalism.keywords: indigenous people, neoliberalism, violence.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 87-113
Author(s):  
Lisdey Espinoza Pedraza

This paper will attempt to answer what the current state of contemporary democracy in Mexico is after the return of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) to the presidency by analysing the role of Civil Society, Political Society and the Rule of Law from 2012 to 2018. This paper will also explore if the party’s return was indeed a step backwards in the process of Mexican democratisation, or whether it was simply another step on a long road in which the various political parties alternate power. In 2018, Mexico elected its new president for the next consecutive 6 years along with a fair number of congressional seats and local gubernatorial posts, an election that again put Mexican democracy through a difficult test.


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