scholarly journals La violence dans la communauté militaire

Criminologie ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Harrison

This paper applies a broad definition of violence to the physically and economically vulnerable situation of Canadian military wives. Its reports some of the results of an institutional ethnography of Canadian military wives ' work which was carried out during the early 1990s, and which made some important discoveries about how the military's priorities and forms of organization structure the way the military treats wives, tries to control wives, and benefits from wives' unpaid work. The military's major priority, combat readiness, necessitates the control the military exercises over its members and the specific mechanism of military control known as combat unit bonding. Combat bonding is in turn characterized by cultural homogeneity and its corollaries of sexism, racism, derogation of, and violence against women. Nevertheless, the military extends a diluted form of combat bonding to military wives, in order to exert control over them and appropriate their unpaid labour, loyalty — and frequently, silence. Combat-related obsession with unit morale also often translates into the cover-up of problems, which is a consideration that adds to the isolation of the many survivors of woman abuse who are members of the military community. The greater public accountability of the Canadian military which may result from the Somalia Inquiry makes this an especially opportune time to study woman abuse and other forms of family violence in the Canadian military community.

Author(s):  
G. Giacomello

Computers have always caused psychological uneasiness in the human brain. That a computer is the closet thing to a thinking machine can be discomforting. That average users have little understanding of the complexity and intricacies of how computers and software operate only add to the distress. Networked computers further increased the puzzlement of human beings. The media (suffering from the same poverty of information as the public) have picked up catchwords like cyberwar, netwars, cyberterrorism, and cybercrime. Speaking of Electronic Pearl Harbors and comparing modems to bombs have only contributed to increasing the level of media hysteria and confusion in public opinion. Schwartau (1994) is a classic example. Imagine that poorly informed journalists start telling the general public that ruthless hackers (hired by terrorists) could take over the power grid and shut it down, or cause patients’ death after their medical records have been compromised. The mere suspicion that terrorists could perform such acts would be enough to fueling the fear factor, which regularly happens as a result of this crying wolf. Under these circumstances, cyberterrorism seems like a nightmare come true. As Embar-Seddon (2002) noted, the word terrorism brings together two significant modern fears: the fear of technology and the fear of terrorism. Both technology and terrorism are significant unknowns and unknown threats are generally perceived as more threatening than known threats. To some extent, cyberterrorism does not need to be manifested itself in any significant way because many already believe it to be real. This article will try to dispel some of the myths of cyberterrorism, such as the contention that terrorists could remotely take control of critical infrastructure and thus bring a country to its knees. In fact, today, cybercrime and economic damage caused by hackers are far more real and serious threats than terrorists. Misdeeds are more likely to be committed by disgruntled insiders than skilled outsiders (Randazzo et al., 2004). There is no commonly accepted definition of terrorism, hence cyberterrorism has been variously interpreted. For example, Sofaer et al. (2000) defines it as “intentional use or threat of use, without legally recognized authority, of violence, disruption or interference against cyber systems” (p. 26), resulting in death or injury of people, damage to physical property, civil disorder, or economic harm. The probability, however, that cyberattacks may actually cause victims is extremely low. Furthermore, Sofaer et al. tends to exclude states from committing terrorist acts, which is also debatable. Hughes (2004) observes cyberterrorism as a diverse set of technologies whose purpose is to scare people, but scaring people without getting anything in return is simply useless. Paraphrasing a working definition of terrorism, I would identify cyberterrorism as the use of digital means to threat or undertake acts of organized violence against civilians to achieve political advantages. Perpetrators then could be nonstate groups or sovereign states. Terrorists spreading scary stories to terrify the populace via the Internet would also qualify. Finally, because of cost efficiency, information and communication technologies have blurred the distinction that long existed between the noncombatant and the combatant spheres. The technology on which the military now rely is exactly the same commercial off-the-shelf hardware and software products that civilians have in their homes and offices (Department of the Army, 2003). Military and civilians alike use largely the same computer networks, which were designed for ease of use and not for hardened communications. During the Cold War, dual use technology (civilian hardware and software) was considered “dangerous” because it could help the Soviets close the gap with the West. Paradoxically, dual-use technologies are now “good.” One of the many downsides of such a situation is that if terrorists hit computer networks, in theory, they could hit multiple targets: the economy, law enforcement agencies, emergency services, and (albeit to a lesser extent) even the military. For terrorists this scenario would be a dream come true. Reality, however, is substantially different.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 376-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Ziff ◽  
Felicia Garland-Jackson

Within the institution and military community, civilian wives of service members occupy complicated roles. On the one hand, wives are undisputedly crucial to the functioning of their service member husbands. However, wives are simultaneously considered subordinate to their husbands within the military and extended community. Indicative of this attitude are the divisive stereotypes of military wives that range from lazy and irresponsible, to overly rank-conscious and entitled. Based on combined in-depth interviews from two samples of military wives, this article investigates how the women navigate the military spouse role within the institutional, community-oriented context of the military. Specifically, we ask, how do these women construct gender and exercise agency when drawing on the stereotypes of wives within the community? By utilizing such mechanisms as symbolic boundary work, gender policing, and stereotyping, women both reify stereotypes of the military spouse and exert agency in creating the military spouse identity for themselves.


Aspasia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-139
Author(s):  
Magali Delaloye

The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan can be seen as a laboratory for examining the Soviet construction of masculinity during the last decade of the USSR. Focusing on male Soviet military doctors as individuals, this article aims to present how these doctors constructed their virile presentation of self in a war situation and how they managed their position within the military community. Taking a pragmatic historical approach, the article considers the doctors through their interactions with both women and men, examining gendered practices such as “protecting weak people,” “asserting authority,” “expressing emotions (or not),” and “impressing others.” It offers a case study for the analysis of one of the many forms of Soviet military masculinity under late socialism and its place in Soviet society.


2013 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-9
Author(s):  
Armin Geertz

This introduction to the special issue on narrative discusses various ways of approaching religious narrative. It looks at various evolutionary hypotheses and distinguishes between three fundamental aspects of narrative: 1. the neurobiological, psychological, social and cultural mechanisms and processes, 2. the many media and methods used in human communication, and 3. the variety of expressive genres. The introduction ends with a definition of narrative.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-175
Author(s):  
Grigor Grigorov

AbstractThis report examines the evolution and nature of the concept of motivation. It performs a theoretical analysis of the definitions of motivation and attempts to give a scientific definition of the phenomenon of motivation for practising the military profession. The results of the analysis will enable commanders to understand more clearly military motivation in order to effectively manage their subordinates.


2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-175
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu

Over de motieven waarom Belgische militairen tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog naar de Duitse vijand deserteerden is al veel geschreven. Volgens de Franstalige patriottische pers en literatuur van kort na de Eerste Wereldoorlog was die desertie uitsluitend te wijten aan de defaitistische ingesteldheid van de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de talrijke aansporingen waarmee hun vier afgezanten naar de Duitsers (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert en Carlos Van Sante) de Vlaamse soldaten aan het IJzerfront bestookten. De Vlaamse historici probeerden die beschuldiging op allerlei manieren te weerleggen of schoven de verantwoordelijkheid voor die desertie in de schoenen van Antoon Pira en zijn Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond. Geen enkele historicus ging daarbij na wat de deserteurs zelf over hun desertie naar de vijand te vertellen hadden. Dit deden zij nochtans uitvoerig tijdens de verschillende gerechtelijke ondervragingen waaraan zij na de oorlog werden onderworpen wanneer zij konden worden aangehouden. Het feit dat zij daarbij al strafbaar waren van zodra zij wetens en willens deserteerden ongeacht hun eigenlijke motief, liet hen daarbij toe om dit motief vrij complexloos mee te delen. Geen enkele van de overlopers van wie het strafdossier bewaard is, gaf echter toe dat hij omwille van de Vlaamse kwestie was overgelopen. Oorlogsmoeheid en de behoefte om zijn familieleden terug te zien waren, zoals in alle legers, de voornaamste motieven waarom zij naar de vijand deserteerden. Ook de Belgische Militaire Veiligheid en de krijgsauditeurs slaagden er trouwens niet in om een verband te leggen tussen de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de Belgische deserties naar de vijand.________Desertion to the enemy in the Belgian front army during the First World War (part 2)Much has already been written about the reasons why Belgian soldiers deserted to the German enemy during the First World War. According to the French language patriotic press and literature dating from shortly after the First World War that desertion was exclusively due to the defeatist attitude of the Flemish Front Movement and the many exhortations with which their four representatives to the Germans (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert and Carlos Van Sante) bombarded the Flemish soldiers at the Yser Front. Flemish historians attempted in a variety of ways to refute that accusation or they shifted the responsibility for the desertion on to Antoon Pira and his Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond (General Flemish Democratic Union). Not a single historian investigated what the deserters themselves had to say about their desertion to the enemy. However, the deserters gave extensive explanations during the detailed investigation that took place during the various judicial interrogations, to which they were submitted after the war if it was possible to arrest them. The fact that they were considered to have committed a criminal offence for having knowingly deserted whatever their actual motive, allowed them to communicate this motive without too many complexes. However, none of the defectors whose criminal records have been preserved admitted that he had defected for the sake of the Flemish Question.  As is the case in all armies, the main reasons for desertion to the enemy were war-weariness and the longing to see members of their family. The Belgian Military Security and the military auditors were not able either to establish a causal link between the Flemish Front Movement and the Belgian desertions to the enemy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237802312110244
Author(s):  
Katrin Auspurg ◽  
Josef Brüderl

In 2018, Silberzahn, Uhlmann, Nosek, and colleagues published an article in which 29 teams analyzed the same research question with the same data: Are soccer referees more likely to give red cards to players with dark skin tone than light skin tone? The results obtained by the teams differed extensively. Many concluded from this widely noted exercise that the social sciences are not rigorous enough to provide definitive answers. In this article, we investigate why results diverged so much. We argue that the main reason was an unclear research question: Teams differed in their interpretation of the research question and therefore used diverse research designs and model specifications. We show by reanalyzing the data that with a clear research question, a precise definition of the parameter of interest, and theory-guided causal reasoning, results vary only within a narrow range. The broad conclusion of our reanalysis is that social science research needs to be more precise in its “estimands” to become credible.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
María Jiménez-Buedo

AbstractReactivity, or the phenomenon by which subjects tend to modify their behavior in virtue of their being studied upon, is often cited as one of the most important difficulties involved in social scientific experiments, and yet, there is to date a persistent conceptual muddle when dealing with the many dimensions of reactivity. This paper offers a conceptual framework for reactivity that draws on an interventionist approach to causality. The framework allows us to offer an unambiguous definition of reactivity and distinguishes it from placebo effects. Further, it allows us to distinguish between benign and malignant forms of the phenomenon, depending on whether reactivity constitutes a danger to the validity of the causal inferences drawn from experimental data.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-64
Author(s):  
Jonathan Fighel

Security is multidimensional in nature and diverse in practice. This diversity leads to difficulty in providing a single all-encompassing definition for the many applied domains of security. Security cannot be considered singular in concept definition, as definition is dependent on applied context. Security incorporates diverse and multi-disciplined actors, originating and practicing across many disciplines. This multidimensional nature of security results unclear understanding of a definition for the concept of security. Bridging the gap between the traditional definitions of science and the undefined definition of what is Security can be achieved through Scientific Security Research methodologies that will be engaged and implemented in the exploration, analysis and conclusions of the systematic and organized body of knowledge.


Vulcan ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-63
Author(s):  
Petter J. Wulff

The military community is a secluded part of society and normally has to act on the conditions offered by its civilian surroundings. When heavy vehicles were developed for war, the civilian infrastructure presented a potential restriction to vehicular mobility. In Sweden, bridges were seen as a critical component of this infrastructure. It took two decades and the experiences of a second world war for the country to come to terms with this restriction. This article addresses the question as to why Swedish tanks suddenly became much heavier in the early 1940s. The country’s bridges play a key role in what happened, and the article explains how. It is a story about how a military decision came to be outdated long before it was upgraded.


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