scholarly journals What Accounts for the Union Member Advantage in Voter Turnout? Evidence from the European Union, 2002-2008

2015 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 732-765 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Bryson ◽  
Rafael Gomez ◽  
Tobias Kretschmer ◽  
Paul Willman
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Union Member ◽  
Peer Pressure ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Social Custom ◽  
Voting Premium ◽  
Highly Correlated ◽  
Final Channel ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Positive Determinant

Across countries, union membership and voter turnout are highly correlated. In unadjusted terms, union members maintain a roughly 0.10 to 0.12 point gap in voting propensity over non-members. We motivate empirically and propose a model—with three causal channels—that explains this correlation and then empirically tests for the contribution of each channel to the overall union voting gap. The first channel by which union members are more likely to vote is through the so-called "monopoly-face" of unionism (i.e., unionization increases wages for members and higher incomes are a significant positive determinant of voting). The second is the so-called "social custom" model of unionism, which argues that union co-worker peer pressure creates incentives to vote amongst members for the purpose of having cast a ballot or being seen at the voting poll. The third and final channel is based on the "voice-face" of unionism whereby employees who are (or have been) exposed to the formalities of collective bargaining and union representation at the workplace are also more likely to increase their attachment to structures of democratic governance in society as well. We test to see how much of the raw "union voting premium" is accounted for by these three competing channels, using contemporary data from 29 European countries. We find that all three channels are at work, with voice the dominant effect (half of the overall gap attributed to this channel) and the other two (monopoly and social custom), each accounting for approximately one-fourth of the overall union voting gap.

scholarly journals Castaño avoids a clash between the ECtHR and the CJEU, but erodes Soering. Thinking human rights transnationally

2020 ◽  
pp. 203228442097974
Author(s):  
Sibel Top ◽  
Paul De Hert
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Union Member ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
European Court ◽  
Criminal Matters ◽  
European Union Member States

This article examines the changing balance established by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) between human rights filters to extradition and the obligation to cooperate and how this shift of rationale brought the Court closer to the position of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in that respect. The article argues that the ECtHR initially adopted a position whereby it prioritised human rights concerns over extraditions, but that it later nuanced that approach by establishing, in some cases, an obligation to cooperate to ensure proper respect of human rights. This refinement of its position brought the ECtHR closer to the approach adopted by the CJEU that traditionally put the obligation to cooperate above human rights concerns. In recent years, however, the CJEU also backtracked to some extent from its uncompromising attitude on the obligation to cooperate, which enabled a convergence of the rationales of the two Courts. Although this alignment of the Courts was necessary to mitigate the conflicting obligations of European Union Member States towards both Courts, this article warns against the danger of making too many human rights concessions to cooperation in criminal matters.

scholarly journals Gdy Europa choruje, Rosja nie jest lekarstwem

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-57
Author(s):  
Marek Menkiszak
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Policy ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Alternative Approach ◽  
The Face ◽  
The One ◽  
New Situation ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Ambiguous Position

In the face of a new serious crisis in Europe caused by the coronavirus pandemic, Russia has taken an ambiguous position. On the one hand, it was spreading fake news and, on the other hand, it was providing Italy with symbolic support. Russia’s immediate goal was to persuade the European Union (EU) to reduce or lift sanctions. The new situation provides a new argument to those participants of the European debate who are in favour of normalisation and even reset of relations with Russia. Among them, the voice of France is particularly clear since its President Emanuel Macron has taken up the initiative to build the ‘architecture of trust and security’ with Russia. These proposals, which are now quite vague, are based on questionable  assumptions and deepen divisions in Europe and the crisis in transatlantic relations. By rising Moscow’s hopes for some form of (geo)political bargain, they in fact encourage Russia to continue its aggressive policy towards its European neighbours. An alternative approach based on several principles is needed in the debate on EU policy towards Russia: developing all five Mogherini’s points; maintaining sanctions against Russia until the reasons for their introduction cease to exist; symmetry of commitments and benefits related to limited cooperation with Russia; inviolability of key interests, security and sovereignty of EU and NATO member and partner states; and balancing the dialogue with the Russian authorities by supporting Russian civil society. Europe can survive without Russia but Russia cannot survive without Europe, which is why European policy needs consistency and strategic patience.

scholarly journals General Government Debt and Budget Deficit as Threats to Economic Security of the European Union Countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-67
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Górniewicz
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Budget Deficit ◽  
Union Member ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Government Debt ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Statistical Data Analysis ◽  
General Government ◽  
European Union Member States

Abstract The aim of the article is to present budget deficit and government debt in the European Union member states, with particular consideration of the countries that belong to the PIIGS group. This paper has focused on the scale of these phenomena, on their reasons and on some attempts made to improve the unfavourable situation. In the main thesis presented in the article, it is stated that budget deficit and general government debt come as significant threats to economic security of the European Union (EU) countries. The research methods that have been applied in the study involve descriptive analysis and statistical data analysis.

Unification of gift and inheritance taxes and the protection of taxpayers – the inheritors and recipients of donations

2021 ◽  
Vol IV (IV) ◽  
pp. 27-47
Author(s):  
Stefan Babiarz
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
Union Member ◽  
European Economic Community ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Community ◽  
Investment Activity ◽  
Member States ◽  
European Economic ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
European Union Member States

Gift and inheritance tax in the European Union Member States is calculated and charged in numerous ways. In the majority of countries of the European Economic Community it constitutes a separate tax. In several countries it is not charged at all or is part of the income tax. Despite the attempts made by the European Commission to unify the legislation of the Member States in this regard, there has been no success. The article presents the above-mentioned attempts of the European Commission, their results and consequences. It identifies the methods of avoiding a double or even triple taxation on cross-border inheritances or donations. This is of crucial significance also to the Polish citizens who demonstrate higher and higher investment activity in the countries of the European Economic Community and third countries.

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