scholarly journals The Fifteenth-Century Councils: Francisco de Vitoria, Melchor Cano, and Bartolomé Carranza

2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 141-166
Author(s):  
Thomas Izbicki

The Dominican theologian Francisco de Vitoria, founder of the School of Salamanca, was cautiously positive about general councils as useful to the church. However, he was not supportive of the strong conciliarism of the University of Paris. Vitoria’s successor at Salamanca, Melchor Cano, was much more a papalist, an opinion partially shared by Bartolomé Carranza, who attended the opening sessions of the Council of Trent (1545–63) and became archbishop of Toledo. Both Cano and Carranza rejected any claim to conciliar power over a reigning pope, although Carranza wrote more favourably about councils than did Cano. Their criticisms of the fifteenth-century councils of Constance (1414–18) and Basel (1431–49) foreshadowed the categorization of councils by Robert Bellarmine based on loyalty to the papacy. All of these theologians shared the belief that the ideal council was that of Ferrara–Florence (1438–45), which was summoned and directed by a pope.

1987 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 409-427
Author(s):  
J. H. Burns

If ‘the later conciliar controversy’ may be regarded as having come to an end by the middle of the fifteenth century, the years considered here may perhaps be seen as the period of the last controversy of quite that kind. It is true that words like ‘first’ and ‘last’ are always hazardous in historical discourse, and perhaps nowhere more so than in the history of ideas. Clearly the argument about the place of general councils in the polity of the Church had not completely died away in the second half of the fifteenth century; nor did it come to a sudden end in 1518 (specified here as the year which saw the Concordat of 1516 reluctantly accepted by the University of Paris and also the publication of John Mair’s Commentary on St Matthew’s Gospel, with its strenuous assertion of conciliarist principles). Twenty years more were to pass before the posthumous publication of the longest single work generated by the entire conciliar controversy, Domenico Giacobazzi’s De concilio. And seven years later it was, of course, a council of the Church that faced the challenge of what had, from small beginnings within the period examined here, become a schism more fundamental and far-reaching than that which had precipitated the original conciliar movement. Even at Trent, moreover, there were those who were prepared to speak up for ‘conciliarist’ principles and policies. Yet it still seems true to say that the years of the Council (or what purported to be the Council) of Pisa and Milan, and of the Fifth Council of the Lateran, saw the last significant and direct confrontation between conciliarism and papalism as those positions had developed in the ecclesiology and ecclesiastical politics of the period inaugurated by the Great Schism. No doubt this last act was an anticlimax, a controversy over the dubious claims of a conciliabulum which was at least politically used if not originally inspired by purely political motives. In the history of ideas, however, and perhaps especially in the history of political ideas, the debate is not so easily dismissed.


Author(s):  
A. C. Moule

The only complete manuscript of this Chronicle of the Bohemians which is known to exist is a folio paper volume written partly in the fourteenth and partly in the early fifteenth century. My efforts to see the MS. itself have so far been unsuccessful, and the following extracts are translated from the text printed by Gelasius Dobner in his Monumenta Historica, Boemiœ nusquam antehac edita, etc., 6 tom. 4to, Pragæ, 1764…85. The Chronicle is in tom, ii, 1768, pp. 79–282. It is entitled Chronicon Reverendissimi Joannis dicti de Marignolis de Florentia Ordinis Minorum Bysinianensis Episcopi …, and begins: Incipit Processus in Cronicum Boemorum, ending, on p. 282, Et sic est finis hujus Cronice Boemorum. The MS., it should be said, was formerly in thelibrary of the Church S. Crucis majoris at Prag, and is now in the University Library in that city.


1989 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 511-523
Author(s):  
Osmund Lewry Op

As many had done long before, John Henry Newman, in his sermon of 1842 on ‘The Christian Church an imperial power’, drew his model of the corporate life of the Church from the state: ‘We know what is meant by a kingdom. It means a body politic, bound together by common law, ruled by one head, holding intercourse part with part, acting together’. This description, little changed, could have applied as well to the university community of Newman's Oxford, and it is not implausible that an experience of fellowship there, strained and divided as it sometimes was, could have provided an unconscious model for his understanding of the ecclesial community. Even if it did not become explicit in Newman's thought, the analogy of head and members was present to the thinking of university men at Paris with regard to their own corporate life in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, particularly when relations were strained and division of the body threatened. Whatever the origins of conciliarist theory, then, in the reflections of canonists and theologians, there was an experience of ecclesial community in the corporate life of medieval Paris that could have given living content to speculation about the Church in the most influential intellectual centre of Christendom. The shaping of that experience deserves some attention as a matrix for conciliarist thought.


Sovereignty ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 61-78
Author(s):  
Hermann Heller

This chapter considers Bodin’s theory of sovereignty. Bodin’s concept of sovereignty was the result of a war fought by the French state under the leadership of the king and the University of Paris against the king’s subjection to the Catholic Church and the empire, as well as against the subordination of state power to the feudal barons. Even before Bodin, the “initially relative, comparative concept of royal sovereignty” had changed to “an absolute one.” The state, represented in the king, which had heretofore only been superior in its relationship to the Church, empire, and barons, now became “supreme.” Bodin was the first to claim sovereignty as a defining criterion of the state.


1975 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 163-172
Author(s):  
Diana Wood

Maximus sermocinator verbi Dei is the description of pope Clement VI, formerly Pierre Roger, given by a fourteenth-century French chronicler. Others of the pope’s compatriots were equally fulsome in their adulation. An Italian chronicler, perhaps an ex-student at the university of Paris, where Pierre Roger had been a master in theology, records:. . . gratissimus fuit sermocinator. Quum cathedram concionaturus aut disputaturus ascendebat, tota Parisiorum Civitas, ut eum audiret, accurrebat. Proh quam eleganter sermocinabatur!In Prague, Clement’s ex-pupil, the emperor Charles IV, remembered the grace with which he had been infused through listening to one of his master’s sermons over twenty years before. Even the English joined this chorus of praise. Thomas Walsingham paid tribute to Clement as a man of singular culture, while Walter Burley lauded his teaching skill, his oratory, and his legendary memory. By the early fifteenth century Clement’s sermons were regarded as models. Several of them appear, abbreviated and anonymous, as part of a treatise on preaching by Paul Koëlner, canon of Ratisbon, written some time before 1420.


1982 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 192-200

This suit was concerned with two issues, the patronage of the church of Boisney, and the claim of a member of the University of Paris to exemption from pleading in a case elsewhere than at the Châtelet in Paris. The suit had already been heard by the ‘prévôt’ of Paris who had ruled it should be heard before his court. In the present suit, an appeal from that decision, the ‘procureur du roi’ claimed that cases involving the king should be heard and decided in the localities, in this case, more specifically, in Rouen. The University, on the other hand, insisted that its members should not be disturbed in their studies by the necessity to plead outside Paris, arguing that the king's rights would in no way be threatened by having the suit heard in the capital. To this point of view the answer of the ‘procureur du roi’ was that in a case of patronage such as this, claims should be pursued by the patron (in this instance, the earl of Salisbury) and not by the University seeking to defend the rights of the person presented to the cure.


Author(s):  
Eric D. Goddard

This chapter examines the fifteenth-century crisis of the University of Paris. The decade between 1436 and 1446, immediately following the reclamation of the French capital in the final phase of the Hundred Years War, was a period of crisis at the University of Paris. One of the most important aspects of this crisis was a series of political setbacks suffered by the university. While political setbacks were among the most obvious aspects of the University's crisis, there is also readily available evidence suggesting a decline in demographic representation at the university during this period. In the 1420s and 1430s, a significant number of individuals requested permission to break oaths binding them to complete their studies at Paris. Parisian scholars also frequently invoked the demographic challenges faced by the university and the capital as a whole in the effort to defend their university privileges.


1978 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 359-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Cross

RECENT historians have drawn attention to the influence of women in later lollardy, and it may also be that in parts of England as soon as lollardy moved out from the university some women immediately adopted its tenets, their involvement being largely hidden by the inadequacies of the contemporary sources. The attractions of lollardy for lay people in general and women in particular are not hard to understand. After a millennium during which a priestly caste had more and more been distancing itself from the laity certain discontented lay people, excluded from the mysteries of the church and especially from direct access to the scriptures, could scarcely have failed to respond to novel doctrines which stated that a lay man predestined to life stood equal in the eyes of God to any priest. These revolutionary ideas first propagated by Wyclif continued to be disseminated by some heretical clergy throughout the fifteenth century. One such priest, John Whitehorne, parson of the parish of Coombe Bisset in Wiltshire, in 1499 confessed to having taught, in addition to much else, that ‘when Christ should ascend into heaven, he left his power with his apostles and from them the same power remaineth with every good true Christian man and woman living virtuously, as the apostles did, so that priests and bishops have no more authority than another layman that followeth the teaching and good conversation of the apostles’.


1964 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. T. Allmand

The search for royal councillors was one of the major difficulties which Henry V had to face once he had achieved the conquest of Normandy. Many local royal officials, having taken the oath of loyalty to the king, were confirmed in their posts; others were brought over from England—a system which proved satisfactory at first. But the finding of personnel for the higher offices presented Henry with a serious problem. Since he was unwilling to trust the native French at so early a stage he could, and did, begin by seeking the counsel of his fellow-countrymen. But this method could not continue indefinitely, since it did not correspond with the intentions lying behind the conquest, planned to be lasting and permanent. However, the alliance with Charles VI, cemented in 1420 by the Treaty of Troyes, meant that the English could now call upon a number of Frenchmen, many of Burgundian origin or sympathy, to serve in the royal council. It was soon realised, too, that the university of Paris was an admirable seed-ground for future royal councillors, especially lawyers, of whom there was need. By the end of Henry V's reign, a number of these graduates were already employed by the English: under the regency of the duke of Bedford they soon achieved a numerical superiority in the royal council in France. From now on, the English dominions were to be ruled by men of these two groups.


1982 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 209-219

The exercise of ecclesiastical patronage could be an important profit of lordship for those Englishmen to whom lands were given in France. In November 1428 the University of Paris and Thomas de Courcelles came into the court to claim not only that they were opposed to the presentation of Michel Faucq by Walter Lord Filz. Walter to the church of Ecrammeville in Normandy, a presentation said to belong to the king, but also that the procedure pursued by the Englishman and his nominee through the courts of the duchy was contrary to the privilege accorded to the University and its members who were not obliged to plead elsewhere than in Paris.


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