scholarly journals Fundamentalismo religioso e político na pandemia: “é isso mesmo”, “e daí?” | Religious and political fundamentalism in the pandemic: “that is it”, “so what?”

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Catiane Souza ◽  
Priscila Chéquer

O principal objetivo deste artigo é discutir sobre o fundamentalismo religioso enquanto emblema de posições políticas durante o período da pandemia no contexto brasileiro. Nesse intuito, inicialmente apresentamos a compreensão do fundamentalismo religioso, comentando os efeitos de sentidos que circulam em plataformas midiáticas do Brasil. Na sequência, analisamos um pronunciamento do Presidente Jair Bolsonaro. Para isso, nos apropriamos da noção de Formações Imaginárias, conceito teórico/analítico da Análise do Discurso da escola francesa. No terceiro item do artigo, ressaltamos os mecanismos que significam a ciência e a mídia como inimigas, sobretudo, em plena pandemia da COVID-19. No último item de discussão, refletimos sobre a circulação midiática de fake news que sustentam valores do fundamentalismo político-religioso. A aceleração da capacidade de circulação midiática, no cenário político de negacionismo científico, desvalorização da imprensa e imposição dos valores ultra tradicionais, destaca novos aspectos dos discursos fundamentalistas que contribuem para a ascensão e manutenção de um governo com tendência ao autoritarismo. Por fim, destacamos as reverberações sobre mídia e ciência identificadas nesse breve estudo como alvo de maior descrédito entre parcelas dos evangélicos e dos católicos. AbstractThe main objective of this article is to discuss religious fundamentalism as an emblem of political positions during the pandemic period in the Brazilian context. In this regard, we initially presented the understanding of religious fundamentalism, commenting on the effects of meanings that circulate in Brazilian media platforms. Following this, we analyzed a statement by President Jair Bolsonaro. For this, we appropriated the notion of imaginary formations, a theoretical/analytical concept of the French School’s Discourse Analysis. In the third item of the article, we highlight the mechanisms that turn science and the media as enemies, above all, in the middle of the Covid-19 pandemic. In the last item of discussion, we reflected on the media circulation of fake news that support values of political-religious fundamentalism. The acceleration of the capacity of media circulation, in the political scenario of scientific denialism, devaluation of the press and imposition of ultra traditional values, highlights new aspects of fundamentalist discourses that contribute to the rise and maintenance of a government with a tendency towards authoritarianism. Finally, we highlight the reverberations on media and science identified in this brief study as the target of greater discredit among parcels of Evangelicals and Catholics.

INFORMASI ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Achmad Nashrudin P

Research on Political Economy of Media: At the news ahead of elections for the governor of Banten in 2017 by Radar Banten and Baraya TV, phenomenon triggered by the loosening of the values of objectivity and independence of the mass media in carrying out its functions as set in the Press Law and the Broadcasting Law. At the time of the campaign, the candidates for governor and lieutenant governor are competing to get the “place ‘and is known well as sell to prospective election promise to get sympathy. At the time, the media seemed to forget the function and position. This study aims to determine the phenomenon of media relations with the candidates and how the phenomenon of the political economy of media in both institutions (Radar Banten and Baraya Pos) at the time before the election for governor of Banten in 2017. This study uses this study used a qualitative approach, with the constructivist paradigm and using the method of data collection through the depth-interview, the informant was elected. The results of the study illustrate that media relations (relations between) media with prospective relatively loose, drawn from observations and interviews show that the two media are “very affectionate” with the candidates, and the media policy in lifting more headlines have suggested the economic interests vis a vis political interests.


2020 ◽  
pp. 606-618
Author(s):  
Ibitayo Samuel Popoola

This probing thesis in this study is on how the political class in colonial and post-colonial Nigeria established, maintained, improved and controls the machinery of the state through the press. While establishing media ownership and unequal media access as key factors responsible for the emergence of the political class, the study similarly discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised or packaged by the press. Robert C. North (1967:301) says “politics could not exist without communication, nor could wars be fought.” The media are also the playing field on which politics occurs” (Perloff 2014:37). They are also the strategic routes through which aspiring politicians must travel during elections. Through a case study method of analysis, this study discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised, and publicized by the press. For this reason, the political class regarded the press as partners in progress.


2020 ◽  
pp. 175063522095036
Author(s):  
Kajalie Shehreen Islam

This article explores the role of the media as a discursive tool in the commemoration of Bangladesh’s war of liberation. The author critically engages with the notion of mediated memory in the foreground of corporate nationalism. Through a discourse analysis of print advertisements published in Bangladeshi newspapers on the country’s Independence and Victory Days over five decades, she traces the use of nationalism in advertising discourse and the shift from a development-oriented approach to corporate nationalism, with the underlying theme of glorification of war. The study found that nationalistic-based discourse is a key theme of Bangladeshi advertisements published on its days of national significance – history and its heroes, symbols and images, poetry and song, are all used to invoke a banal nationalism. These discursive constructions depend largely on the political context but, as long as the political line is adhered to, advertisers are free to use nationalistic discourse to promote their brands, products and services.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-194
Author(s):  
Christos Sagredos

Abstract The representation of sex work in the media has received little to no attention in the field of linguistics and discourse analysis. Given that news discourse can have a huge impact on public opinions, ideologies and norms, and the setting of political agendas and policies (van Dijk 1989), the study adopts a Corpus-Assisted Critical Discourse Analysis (CACDA) approach (Baker, Gabrielatos, KhosraviNik, Krzyżanowski, McEnery & Wodak 2008), seeking to explore whether journalists reproduce or challenge negative stereotypes vis-à-vis sex work. Examining 82 articles published in three Greek newspapers (Kathimerini, TA NEA, Efimerida ton Syntakton) in 2017, this paper considers the lexico-grammatical choices that are typically involved in the representation of sex work and sex workers in the Press. Drawing on Systemic Functional Linguistics, the Discourse Historical Approach and corpus linguistics, the analysis links the textual findings (micro-level context) with the discourse practice context (meso-context) as well as the social context in which sex work occurs (macro-context). Findings illustrate that although sex work in Greece has been legalised for about two decades, traces of abolitionist discourses can be found in the Press, building barriers in the emancipatory efforts of sex workers who stand up for having equal civil and labour rights as their fellow citizens.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 223-246
Author(s):  
María Muelas Gil

Metaphor has been studied as a pervasive and intrinsic discourse tool over the last decades in many different types of discourse (Lakoff and Johnson 1980, Semino 2008, Kövecses 2010, etc.). Considering the strong effect it has on the discourse participants and how it can persuade them towards one side, action, or thought (Charteris-Black 2004, Silaski 2012), it is necessary to study it when the timeframe and the discourse where it is used are ideologically loaded. Based on recent studies on metaphor in economics (Alejo 2010, Herrera-Soler and White 2012, Soares da Silva et al. 2017), metaphor in the press (Koller 2004/2008) and metaphor and ideology (Goatly 2007, Silaski 2012), this article presents a corpus-based study of metaphor in reports of economic affairs in the English and Spanish press during the pre-election week of 2015. The corpus (about 160,000 words) consists of reports published by six newspapers that support different political spheres (left, centre and right): The Guardian, The Independent and The Telegraph in English, and Público, El País and ABC in Spanish. From a Critical Metaphor Analysis perspective (Charteris-Black 2004), the study starts from the hypothesis that the political stand of each newspaper might condition the metaphors. Indeed, metaphors pointing at certain side of political spheres appear in all the sub-corpora of the study, but in distinctive ways, as will be shown. In any case, critical factors such as cognitive and cultural reasons beyond the political stand of the media in question need to be acknowledged as well, which conveys further and more comprehensive analyses.


Subject The non-appearance of an expected EU anti-corruption report. Significance The European Commission’s cancellation of its second report on anti-corruption efforts across member-states and EU institutions removes a key benchmark against which to hold European governments to account at a time when several are attempting to roll back anti-corruption reforms and disable checks and balances. Given the political sensitivity of the first report, the move also feeds populist criticisms that the EU itself is prone to corruption and unwilling to expose itself to scrutiny. Impacts Populist governments appear to be learning from one another that they can remove limits on their power. This will allow interest groups to entrench their political and economic dominance, hindering economic growth in the long run. The US president’s attacks on parts of the media for ‘fake news’ may encourage use of anti-establishment rhetoric to discredit critics.


JALABAHASA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Anggun Putri Aminatul Musrichah

Berbagai media lokal maupun media nasional memberitakan kasus pembubaran upacara odalan di Bantul Yogyakarta dengan berbagai bias. Penelitian ini menganalisis wacana yang diproduksi oleh media nasional CNNIndonesia.com dan media lokal Solopos.com guna mengungkapkan kecenderungan kedua media tersebut dalam memberitakan kasus pembubaran upacara odalan. Teori yang digunakan adalah tiga dimensi analisis wacana kritis Norman Fairlough, yaitu dimensi tekstual, praktik wacana, dan sosiokultural dengan tiga tahapan pendekatan, yaitu deskripsi, eksplanasi, dan interpretasi. Dalam tahap dimensi teks, peranti teks yang dianalisis adalah judul, struktur gramatika, dan penggunaan konjungsi. Dimensi kedua, peneliti menganalisis interdiskursivitas dan intertekstualitas untuk menjelaskan bagaimana media mengonstruksi teks berita. Pada dimensi ketiga peneliti menjelaskan praktik sosiokultural dengan analisis kuasa dan ideologi. Hasil penelitian ini adalah CNNIndonesia.com berpihak pada kelompok penyelenggara upacara odalan, sebaliknya Solopos.com berpihak pada kelompok warga yang menolak. Media menggunakan aktor terkait sebagai kuasa atas ideologi masing-masing pihak. The various local media and national media report about a case of the dissolution of the odalan ceremony in Bantul Yogyakarta with a different bias. This study analyzes the discourse that was produced by CNNindonesia and Solopos.com in order to reveal how the national media trends CNNIndonesia.com and local media Solopos.com in reporting the odalan ceremony case. The theory used is the three dimentions of Norman Faircough’s critical discourse analysis, namely the textual dimension, discourse practice, and the sociocultural with three stages approach: description, explanation, and interpretation. In the text dimension stage, the text tools analyzed are the title, gramatical structure of the contents of the text, and the use of conjunctions. The second dimension, the researcher analyzes the interdiscursivity and intextuality sections to explain how the media construct the news text. In the third part, the researcher explains sociocultural practices by analyzing power and ideology. The results are CNNIndonesia.com taking sides with the odalan ceremony group and vice versa Solopos.com taking sides with residents who refuse. The media uses related actors as power over ideology of each party.


Author(s):  
Greg Simons ◽  
◽  
Andrey Manoilo ◽  

This article examines the nature of the origin, definitions and functional principles of so-called fake news – reports that are deliberately false in nature which can create a stir in society around a non-existent informational case born ofthesamenews source.Incombinationwithviraltechnologiesandmechanisms of distribution in the media and social networks, fake news in modern political campaigns is becoming a dangerous tool for influencing mass consciousness of societies. The main task of fake news in modern political campaigns and processes is interception of the political agenda, with its subsequent closure to the news feed generated by the fake news itself, as well as creation of general excitement around the given news story. This present article seeks to review and analyse the academic debates on the what (definition), how (operationalization) and why (motivation) questions pertaining to the fake news phenomena. These aspects are then combined to generate the beginnings of creating a conceptual taxonomy to understand this highly topical and emotive concept.


Author(s):  
Gabrielle Lynch

The term “peaceocracy” refers to a situation in which an emphasis on peace is used to prioritize stability and order to the detriment of democracy. As such, the term can be used to refer to a short-lived or longer-term strategy whereby an emphasis on peace by an incumbent elite is used to close the political space through the delegitimization and suppression of activity that could arguably foster division or conflict. At the heart of peaceocracy lies an insistence that certain actions—including those that are generally regarded as constituting important political and civil rights, such as freedom of speech and association, freedom of the press, and freedom to engage in peaceful protest and strike action—can spill over into violence and foster division and must therefore be avoided to guard against disorder. Recent history suggests that incumbents can effectively establish a peaceocracy in contexts where many believe that widespread violence is an ever-present possibility; incumbents have, or are widely believed to have, helped to establish an existing peace; and the level of democracy is already low. In such contexts, a fragile peace helps to justify a prioritization of peace; the idea that incumbents have “brought peace” strengthens their self-portrait as the unrivaled guardians of the same; and semi-authoritarianism provides a context in which incumbents are motivated to use every means available to maintain power and are well placed—given, for example, their control over the media and civil society—to manipulate an emphasis on peace to suppress opposition activities. Key characteristics of peaceocracy include: an incumbent’s effective portrait of an existing peace as fragile and themselves as the unrivaled guardians of order and stability; a normative notion of citizenship that requires “good citizens” to actively protect peace and avoid activities that might foster division and conflict; and the use of these narratives of guardianship and disciplined citizenship to justify a range of repressive laws and actions. Peaceocracy is thus a strategy, rather than a discreet regime type, which incumbents can use in hybrid regimes as part of their “menu of manipulation,” and which can be said to be “successful” when counter-narratives are in fact marginalized and the political space is effectively squeezed.


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