The Press and the Emergent Political Class in Nigeria

2020 ◽  
pp. 606-618
Author(s):  
Ibitayo Samuel Popoola

This probing thesis in this study is on how the political class in colonial and post-colonial Nigeria established, maintained, improved and controls the machinery of the state through the press. While establishing media ownership and unequal media access as key factors responsible for the emergence of the political class, the study similarly discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised or packaged by the press. Robert C. North (1967:301) says “politics could not exist without communication, nor could wars be fought.” The media are also the playing field on which politics occurs” (Perloff 2014:37). They are also the strategic routes through which aspiring politicians must travel during elections. Through a case study method of analysis, this study discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised, and publicized by the press. For this reason, the political class regarded the press as partners in progress.

Author(s):  
Ibitayo Samuel Popoola

This probing thesis in this study is on how the political class in colonial and post-colonial Nigeria established, maintained, improved and controls the machinery of the state through the press. While establishing media ownership and unequal media access as key factors responsible for the emergence of the political class, the study similarly discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised or packaged by the press. Robert C. North (1967:301) says “politics could not exist without communication, nor could wars be fought.” The media are also the playing field on which politics occurs” (Perloff 2014:37). They are also the strategic routes through which aspiring politicians must travel during elections. Through a case study method of analysis, this study discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised, and publicized by the press. For this reason, the political class regarded the press as partners in progress.


2021 ◽  
pp. 355-402
Author(s):  
Christophe Jaffrelot ◽  
Pratinav Anil

This chapter deals with the regime’s few opponents. The resistance came from sections of the press, judiciary, political class and civil society—albeit in a feeble manner. The deficient performance of the media, in particular, was highlighted by Advani’s phrase: ‘When you were merely asked to bend, you chose to crawl.’ The political opposition was comprised of socialists, Hindu nationalists, Akali Dal and CPI(M) cadres, and revolutionaries were among the many who went underground and resisted the regime. The chapter describes the resistance as uneven and unimpressive, plagued by factionalism and tokenistic gestures. The chapter goes on to characterise the Emergency as a dictatorship by consent.


Author(s):  
Belén Puebla Martínez

ResumenPresentamos en esta investigación el análisis de un tema de actualidad a través de la realidad representada en la ficción y la realidad mediatizada en la información. Debido a la naturaleza del objeto de estudio – las telecomedias españolas –realizamos un estudio de caso de tal modo que podamos comparar el tratamiento que el tema propuesto en los medios de comunicación, concretamente en la prensa, frente a la manera de exponerlo en las tramas de los capítulos de las series. Para analizarlo hemos considerado conveniente realizar un análisis narrativo audiovisual cualitativo a un tema estrechamente relacionado con la actualidad del periodo que se plantea en este estudio y que está presente en las series analizadas: 7vidas y aquí no hay quien viva. El tema elegido es la implantación de la Ley Antitabaco 28/2005 de 26 de diciembre y que fue recogida por ambas telecomedias en el primer capítulo que emitieron en el mismo mes de la promulgación de la ley. Abstract We present in this study the analysis of a current issue through the reality represented in fiction and reality mediated in information. Due to the nature of the object of study - the Spanish sitcom- conducted a case study so that we can compare the treatment that the proposed topic in the media, particularly in the press, in front of the way to put in chapters of the series. To analyze this we considered advisable to conduct a qualitative visual narrative analysis a subject closely related to current period arising in this study and is present in the series analyzed: 7 vidas and Aquí no hay quien viva. The theme is the implementation of the anti-smoking law 28/2005 of December 26 and was picked up by two sitcoms in the first chapter that issued in the same month of the enactment of the law. Palabras claveRepresentación, series de televisión, prensa, análisis cualitativo, 7 vidas, Aquí no hay quien viva.KeysworksRepresentation, spanish television fiction, press, qualitative analysis, 7 vidas, Aquí no hay quien viva.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Khoirul Mushthofa Misyuniarto

This study examines the political communication strategy carried out by Kiai as a boarding school caretaker in the General Election. The purpose of this study is to describe the political communication strategy carried out by Kiai Syafik Rofi'i, caretaker of the Salafiyah Syafi'iyah Islamic Boarding School in Bangkalan Regency, East Java Province in the 2019 General Election. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with a case study approach. The results showed that the political communication strategy being implemented was political negotiation among kiai in Islamic boarding schools in Bangkalan Regency. In addition, political communication uses the strategy of a campaign winning team or success team, and also uses the media as a channel for delivering messages to provide understanding and influence public opinion.


INFORMASI ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Achmad Nashrudin P

Research on Political Economy of Media: At the news ahead of elections for the governor of Banten in 2017 by Radar Banten and Baraya TV, phenomenon triggered by the loosening of the values of objectivity and independence of the mass media in carrying out its functions as set in the Press Law and the Broadcasting Law. At the time of the campaign, the candidates for governor and lieutenant governor are competing to get the “place ‘and is known well as sell to prospective election promise to get sympathy. At the time, the media seemed to forget the function and position. This study aims to determine the phenomenon of media relations with the candidates and how the phenomenon of the political economy of media in both institutions (Radar Banten and Baraya Pos) at the time before the election for governor of Banten in 2017. This study uses this study used a qualitative approach, with the constructivist paradigm and using the method of data collection through the depth-interview, the informant was elected. The results of the study illustrate that media relations (relations between) media with prospective relatively loose, drawn from observations and interviews show that the two media are “very affectionate” with the candidates, and the media policy in lifting more headlines have suggested the economic interests vis a vis political interests.


Author(s):  
Maggie Gray

This chapter engages with important strands of scholarship on comics work, arguing for a critical comics studies that attends to the political economy, social relations, and material processes of production. It examines the relationship between struggles over the organization of cultural labor and the forms of value inscribed in comics, via the case study of a specific site of British comics production that reimagined how comics work could be organized and the artistic value comics could have– the cooperative Birmingham Arts Lab Press (1969-1982) and its Ar:Zak imprint. Bringing together archival inquiry and participant interviews, wider historical research into the arts lab, alternative press, community arts and underground/alternative comics movements, and Marxist political and aesthetic theory, this chapter analyzes how struggles for an autonomous, democratized, participatory creative practice that took place within this context of comics production were embodied in the material and visual form of the comics made.


2013 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 187-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fábio Marques da Cruz ◽  
Maria Yêda Falcão Soares de Filgueiras Gomes

This paper analyzes the influence of rumors on price fluctuations in the Stock Exchange of São Paulo between 2007 and 2011, through a case study with Petrobras, a company whose stock had the largest trading volume within the period. For this purpose we used the historical prices of cash market provided by the stock exchange. The communications in which Petrobras provides clarifications regarding unofficial information disclosed in the press were also collected from the stock exchange website. The analysis of these documents helped to create a diagram to represent the information about the rumors and categorize them by subject. This diagram was applied to a database to store the information collected from the company’s communications. Then this information was retrieved to analyze the influence of rumors on price movements. The results confirm that the company’s responses to rumors influence price fluctuations of its stock. At eagerness for information to dilute uncertainty, investors make decisions based on rumors betting on the credibility of the media that disclose them, even though knowing that the information is not always reliable.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 223-246
Author(s):  
María Muelas Gil

Metaphor has been studied as a pervasive and intrinsic discourse tool over the last decades in many different types of discourse (Lakoff and Johnson 1980, Semino 2008, Kövecses 2010, etc.). Considering the strong effect it has on the discourse participants and how it can persuade them towards one side, action, or thought (Charteris-Black 2004, Silaski 2012), it is necessary to study it when the timeframe and the discourse where it is used are ideologically loaded. Based on recent studies on metaphor in economics (Alejo 2010, Herrera-Soler and White 2012, Soares da Silva et al. 2017), metaphor in the press (Koller 2004/2008) and metaphor and ideology (Goatly 2007, Silaski 2012), this article presents a corpus-based study of metaphor in reports of economic affairs in the English and Spanish press during the pre-election week of 2015. The corpus (about 160,000 words) consists of reports published by six newspapers that support different political spheres (left, centre and right): The Guardian, The Independent and The Telegraph in English, and Público, El País and ABC in Spanish. From a Critical Metaphor Analysis perspective (Charteris-Black 2004), the study starts from the hypothesis that the political stand of each newspaper might condition the metaphors. Indeed, metaphors pointing at certain side of political spheres appear in all the sub-corpora of the study, but in distinctive ways, as will be shown. In any case, critical factors such as cognitive and cultural reasons beyond the political stand of the media in question need to be acknowledged as well, which conveys further and more comprehensive analyses.


Author(s):  
Gabrielle Lynch

The term “peaceocracy” refers to a situation in which an emphasis on peace is used to prioritize stability and order to the detriment of democracy. As such, the term can be used to refer to a short-lived or longer-term strategy whereby an emphasis on peace by an incumbent elite is used to close the political space through the delegitimization and suppression of activity that could arguably foster division or conflict. At the heart of peaceocracy lies an insistence that certain actions—including those that are generally regarded as constituting important political and civil rights, such as freedom of speech and association, freedom of the press, and freedom to engage in peaceful protest and strike action—can spill over into violence and foster division and must therefore be avoided to guard against disorder. Recent history suggests that incumbents can effectively establish a peaceocracy in contexts where many believe that widespread violence is an ever-present possibility; incumbents have, or are widely believed to have, helped to establish an existing peace; and the level of democracy is already low. In such contexts, a fragile peace helps to justify a prioritization of peace; the idea that incumbents have “brought peace” strengthens their self-portrait as the unrivaled guardians of the same; and semi-authoritarianism provides a context in which incumbents are motivated to use every means available to maintain power and are well placed—given, for example, their control over the media and civil society—to manipulate an emphasis on peace to suppress opposition activities. Key characteristics of peaceocracy include: an incumbent’s effective portrait of an existing peace as fragile and themselves as the unrivaled guardians of order and stability; a normative notion of citizenship that requires “good citizens” to actively protect peace and avoid activities that might foster division and conflict; and the use of these narratives of guardianship and disciplined citizenship to justify a range of repressive laws and actions. Peaceocracy is thus a strategy, rather than a discreet regime type, which incumbents can use in hybrid regimes as part of their “menu of manipulation,” and which can be said to be “successful” when counter-narratives are in fact marginalized and the political space is effectively squeezed.


Significance The requests are based on plea bargains from former executives of construction company Odebrecht. While the names in ‘Janot’s list’ have not been disclosed, several of them have leaked to the media. They include six ministers in the government of President Michel Temer, two former presidents, ten state governors, and the heads of both houses of Congress. If confirmed, this would make the list a potent bombshell for the Brazilian political class. Impacts The corruption scandal looks set to disrupt next year’s presidential election. Politicians’ disdain for accountability will fuel outrage with the political class. The ground could be fertile for a candidate claiming to be an ‘outsider’.


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