II. State and Non- State Actors and NTS Governance in Southeast Asia and Beyond

Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 271-283
Author(s):  
Andrea Acri

The fascinating yet still underexplored world of manuscripts hailing from Southeast Asia, including the nation-state of Indonesia, has received some impetus in recent years, thanks to the new appreciation for this written heritage by state and non-state actors both within and without the country. Traditionally perceived as a dry (and hardly scientific or ‘intellectual’) subject that was the preserve of a small circle of specialist librarians, codicology (and Asian codicology in particular) has become a vibrant discipline, with several teams of scholars and projects worldwide focusing on manuscripts as objects, as well as on ‘manuscript cultures’. These projects and approaches duly recognise the role of manuscripts (and not only texts) as prime carriers of cultural and civilisational values across time and space, as well as their relevance for the culture and identity of contemporary societies. This essay reviews some recent publications on Indonesian manuscripts catering to researchers as well as the wider public.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110192
Author(s):  
Lina Gong

Image-building has been an important goal of China’s foreign policy. Humanitarian diplomacy provides a useful instrument to build a benign international image, given the altruistic nature of humanitarian action. China’s humanitarian diplomacy has undergone changes in recent years, such as substantial increases in humanitarian spending, institutional reforms and the emergence of Chinese non-state actors. The existing literature on China’s humanitarian activities is scant due to the country’s limited engagement in global humanitarian action previously. This article aims to contribute to the scholarship by examining China’s humanitarian activities in Southeast Asia during the COVID-19 pandemic through the lens of image-building. Specifically, it answers the questions of how China uses humanitarian action to improve its international image and how effective such efforts have been. This article finds that the outcome of China’s image-building through humanitarian activities is influenced by the severity of the crisis, the national response of the country affected and the perceived legitimacy of China’s action. It concludes that China’s humanitarian diplomacy has achieved mixed outcomes in Southeast Asia. While China has been recognized as a major provider of help during the pandemic, its assistance has not substantially improved its image in the region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Muhammad Iqbal Yunazwardi

Tulisan ini membahas mengenai pentingnya menciptakan gagasan komunikatif dalam menyelesaikan permasalahan kebakaran hutan dan lahan (karhutla) dan kabut asap lintas negara yang terjadi di Asia Tenggara, terutama pasca terjadinya peristiwa tersebut di tahun 2015. Dampak buruk atas kabut asap yang terjadi Asia Tenggara telah membuat banyak kerugian bagi aktor negara dan non negara. Oleh karena itu, gagasan komunikatif penting sebagai dasar pembangunan mekanisme ideal pertanggungjawaban lingkungan transnasional yang mampu mewadahi seluruh kepentingan aktor terdampak atas kabut asap yang terjadi. Gagasan komunikatif diciptakan dengan cara menentukan bagaimana pembentukan berbagai prinsip moral sebagai landasan analitik untuk melihat pentingnya dasar pembentukan mekanisme pertanggungjawaban lingkungan yang ideal. Prinsip moral tersebut antara lain; (1) pencegahan bahaya, (2) inklusifitas, dan (3) keadilan prosedural. Dengan mengidentifikasi prinsip tersebut, aktor negara dan non-negara diharapkan mampu merepresentasikan ruang moral yang menginformasikan gagasan komunikatif pertanggungjawaban lingkungan transnasional. Tujuan normatif yang dihasilkan dari pertanggungjawaban lingkungan transnasional adalah kewajiban berbasis hak, mengikat norma-norma lingkungan dengan hak konstitusional atau hukum HAM berbasis negara. Kata Kunci: pertanggungjawaban lingkungan transnasional, prinsip moral, kabut asap  This paper discusses the importance of creating "a communicative notion" in solving the problem of forest and land fires (karhutla) and cross-country haze that occurred in Southeast Asia, especially after the occurrence of events in 2015. The adverse impact of haze that occurred in Southeast Asia has brought many losses for state and non-state actors. Therefore, the communicative notion is important as the basis for building an ideal mechanism for transnational environmental responsibility that is able to accommodate all the interests of the affected actors for the haze that occurs. The communicative notion is created by determining how the formation of various moral principles as an analytical foundation to see the importance of the basis for the establishment of an ideal environmental accountability mechanism. These moral principles include; (1) harm prevention, (2) inclusiveness, and (3) impartialty. By identifying these principles, state and non-state actors are expected to be able to represent the moral space agreed upon by communicative transnational environmental responsibility. Normative objectives resulting from transnational environmental responsibility are rights based on rights, binding environmental norms with constitutional rights or human rights law based on the state. Keywords: Transnational environmental obligations, moral principles, haze pollution


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-110
Author(s):  
G. N. Valiakhmetova

The article analyzes the stages and reasons for involvement of the Islamic world in digital wars and the cyber arms race. Digital threats are carried not only by Muslim states that claim to be regional leaders in the Middle East, South and Southeast Asia, but also by non-state actors – groups of highly skilled hackers, hacktivists, «lone wolves», radical extremist Islamist groups. The realities of the digital age significantly enhance the heterogeneity and inconsistency of the modern Islamic world. It puts on the international agenda the question of increasing global cooperation in the cyber arm control process as well as the settlement of the most pressing issues of Muslim countries and communities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-99
Author(s):  
Wolfram H. Dressler ◽  
Robert Fletcher ◽  
Michael Fabinyi

AbstractThis paper examines how state and non-state actors govern through pursuing speculative conservation among resource-dependent people who must renegotiate altered livelihoods amidst extractivism in ruptured landscapes. As donor aid declines and changes form, bilaterals, state agencies, and civil society now pursue advocacy in overlapping spaces of intensifying extractivism and speculative governance in the ruptured frontiers of Southeast Asia. In these spaces, bilaterals and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) struggle to work with upland farmers who negotiate the contrasting expectations of the abstract, speculative nature of conservation initiatives and the lucrative nature of extractive labour in the face of dramatic transformations of agrarian livelihoods and landscapes. Through a case study of the Philippine uplands, we demonstrate that as speculative conservation unfolds and manifests within and beyond these landscapes, it endeavours to revalue nature monetarily in ways that help reorganise labour and capital in an effort to overcome the exhaustion of capital wrought by rupture. We propose that during moments of rupture speculative conservation coproduces value from ruin by renewing and preserving capital flows.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfram Dressler

How does the intersection of authoritarian populism and a global pandemic reinforce the suppression of human rights, dismantle environmental protections, and accelerate resource extraction? In parts of Southeast Asia, the rise of authoritarian regimes has created conditions of impunity in which state and non-state actors have exploited restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic to restrain activism, contain indigenous livelihoods, and intensify resource exploitation. This article explores how political control and violence against activists (‘defenders') under authoritarian Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte have intersected with and been reinforced throughCOVID-19 health measures to curtail grass-roots efforts to protect social and environmental safeguards. Since March 2020, violence against defenders has gone viral as activism in the country has been quarantined. Under Duterte's authoritarian populist rhetoric, state actors, parastatal and shadowy assassins have allegedly used public health measures to suppress activism further,enabling the harassment, arrests, and deaths of defenders and the intensification of resource extraction. Based on a critical review of news media and conservation policy, I describe the history and current context of defenders being 'quarantined' by authorities using lockdown measures to coercively suppress social and environmental activism across the country. I examine cases from Palawan Island to show how political authorities and elites have used COVID-19 to suppress defender mobility and enforcement practices and how lulls in defending and discourses of 'pandemic recovery' have facilitated mining and deforestation. The conclusion asserts that paying attention to how political conjunctures produce violent governance and local resistance reveals civil society's crucial role and vulnerabilities in protecting human rights and the environment in the Philippines and Southeast Asia.


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