Domestic Power Transitions and Japan’s Evolving Strategic Posture, 2006 to 2012

Author(s):  
Andrew L. Oros

This chapter examines the first administration of Shinzo Abe, the fall of the LDP from power, and the three years of rule by the Democratic Party of Japan, with a focus on security policy innovation in this period.

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam P. Liff ◽  
Ko Maeda

AbstractPolitical parties’ behavior in coalition formation is commonly explained by their policy-, vote-, and office-seeking incentives. From these perspectives, the 20-year partnership of Japan's ruling conservative Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its pacifistic Komeito junior coalition partner is an anomalous case. The longevity, closeness, and nature of their unlikely partnership challenges core assumptions in existing theories of coalition politics. LDP–Komeito cooperation has sustained for two decades despite vastly different support bases and ideological differences on fundamental policy issues. LDP leaders also show no signs of abandoning the much smaller Komeito despite enjoying a single-party majority. We argue that the remarkable durability of this puzzling partnership results primarily from the two parties’ electoral incentives and what has effectively become codependence under Japan's mixed electoral system. Our analysis also demonstrates that being in a coalition can induce significant policy compromises, even from a much larger senior partner. Beyond theoretical implications, these phenomena yield important real-world consequences for Japanese politics: especially, a far less dominant LDP than the party's Diet seat total suggests, and Komeito's remarkable ability to punch significantly above its weight and constrain its far larger senior partner, even on the latter's major national security policy priorities.


Subject A profile of Shigeru Ishiba. Significance Ishiba was runner-up to Abe in the 2012 leadership contest for the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and since then has positioned himself to replace Abe as party leader and prime minister should Abe's popularity falter. A poll last month showed that 20.4% of the public wanted Ishiba as prime minister compared with Abe's 19.7%, a dramatic swing since December, when Abe had 34.5% and Ishiba just 10.9%. Impacts Security policy is Ishiba's strength; he has well-developed views and a good sense of what is realistic. Ishiba's critique of Abenomics is lucid, but he has yet to offer a clear alternative. Washington would likely welcome an Ishiba government since he has good connections in the US defence establishment. Ishiba's Christianity may also win him points in Washington.


1992 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 497-538 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles L. Glaser

Analyses of military strategy often overlook its political consequences—its effect on the adversary's basic goals and understanding of the defender's resolve. As a result, they prescribe the wrong type of military policy and reduce states' security. This article explores how a variety of factors interact to produce political consequences. These factors include the type of adversary (specifically, its motives for expansion); the type of military strategy the defender adopts (offensive or defensive and unilateral or bilateral); the source of the adversary's misperceptions; and the process through which political consequences are generated. The article reformulates Jervis's spiral and deterrence models and argues that they overlook types of adversaries, including most importantly insecure greedy states; that shifts in the adversary's balance of domestic power offer an alternative to individual learning as the basic way in which political consequences are generated; that national-level failures of evaluation provide an alternative source of exaggerated insecurity; and that these differences can require the defender to follow different policies. Final sections explore military options for managing political consequences and implications for U.S. security policy.


Asia Policy ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leif-Eric Easley ◽  
Tetsuo Kotani ◽  
Aki Mori

Significance If confirmed, Buttigieg would become the first openly LGBTQ US cabinet official. In assembling his team, Biden is emphasising experience and diversity, drawing heavily on past Democratic administrations’ personnel, particularly the 2009-17 Obama administrations, where Biden was vice-president. This has opened Biden to jibes that his will be ‘the third Obama administration’. Impacts Not appointing ideologues from either Democratic Party wing will help Biden keep party peace for as long as possible. Trump-supporting Republicans will be even more resistant to Biden’s agenda than the Tea Party was to Obama’s. In practice, Biden cannot swiftly and immediately undo President Donald Trump’s actions across all areas. National security policy could align with Obama’s, especially if Islamist terrorism resurges.


Asian Survey ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (6) ◽  
pp. 1032-1057 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey Radchenko ◽  
Mendee Jargalsaikhan

This paper examines the full cycle of political power transitions and the dynamics of party competition during the 2016 parliamentary and 2017 presidential elections in Mongolia. It argues that the existence of multiple interlinked patronage networks and factionalism explains the persistence of the electoral democracy in Mongolia. The article focuses on the internal politics of the Democratic Party.


Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert J. Pekkanen ◽  
Saadia M. Pekkanen

The year 2015 revolved around Prime Minister Abe Shinzō, who led his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to a resounding electoral victory in December 2014, thus opening the door for the LDP and its coalition partner Komeito to pass a major revision of Japan’s security policy, despite public outcry and over a fragmented field of opposition parties.


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