scholarly journals Directed Motion and Non-Predicative Path P

Nordlyd ◽  
10.7557/12.80 ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Minjeong Son

In this paper, I argue that an atelic path PP headed by -(u)lo ‘toward’ in Korean is an argument of a directed motion verb on a par with its telic counterpart headed by the locative -ey ‘(be) AT’. I further argue that, despite having the same argumental status, the atelic path PP is distinguished from the goal-marking locative PP in terms of an entailment of a result state and predicativity; while the goal PP in directed motion constructions forms a secondary predicate associated with a resultative interpretation, the atelic path PP merges with the verb as a non-predicative complement and does not license a resultative interpretation.

Nordlyd ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Minjeong Son

Recent approaches to the cross-linguistic variation in the expressions of directed motion assume a tight correlation between adjectival resultative and directed motion constructions (e.g., Beck and Snyder 2001, Mateu and Rigau 2001; 2002, McIntyre 2004, Beavers et al. 2004). Beck and Snyder (2001), in particular, argue that languages that allow adjectival resultatives also allow directed motion with goal PP (or telic Path PP) based on the compounding parameter proposed by Snyder (1995; 2001). This paper, however, shows that such ‘macro’-parametric approaches to the cross-linguistic variation (in directed motion) fail when individual languages are investigated in detail. Based on Korean, Japanese, Hebrew, Czech, and Indonesian, I show that there is no necessary correlation between directed motion (i.e., goal PP) constructions and the availability of resultative phrases, and that the previous parameter approaches face challenges in explaining the facts drawn from these languages. I further show that the variation in directed motion is better explained by careful examination of individual adpositions that differ from one language (e.g., English) to another (e.g., Korean).


Linguaculture ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-178
Author(s):  
Ruxandra Drăgan

Characteristic of English and other Germanic languages, Goal of Motion constructions represent a challenge for any translator rendering them into a Romance language. This is because to express the motion of an entity to/towards a Goal in a particular manner, English typically combines a manner-of-motion verb or a verb of sound emission with a dynamic preposition like into in He ran into the park. However, the combination is not generally available in Romanian and other Romance languages, since they not only lack dynamic prepositions, but also have far fewer manner-of-motion verbs. Consequently, to render Goal of Motion into Romanian with as little loss as possible, a translator will have to resort to various translation techniques to compensate not only for the lack of dynamic prepositions in this language, but also for its far poorer class of manner-of-motion verbs. This paper proposes several strategies for the translation of Goal of Motion constructions into Romanian and shows that they depend on the lexical and syntactic resources available in this language. An analysis of the techniques employed in a selected sample from two Romanian translations of the Harry Potter series indicates that the translators' strategies generally mirror Talmy's (1985, 2000) typological classification of Germanic and Romance languages into satellite-framed and verb-framed languages, respectively.


Probus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Víctor Acedo-Matellán ◽  
Jaume Mateu

Abstract In this paper we are interested in the relation between two facts accompanying the diachronic change from Latin to Romance within the domain of the morphological and argument-structural properties of the predicates expressing change. On the one hand, the element encoding the transition itself, which we call the Path, and the verb are realised as two distinct morphemes in Latin, but as one and the same morpheme in the daughter languages: in Talmy's (2000) terms, the former is a satellite-framed language and the latter are verb-framed languages. On the other hand, there is a whole range of argument-structural patterns which are found in Latin but not in Romance: unselected object contructions, complex directed motion constructions, productive locative alternation, etc. We show, within a syntactic view of argument structure and morphology, that both facts are intimately related. Furthermore, we provide data from Old Catalan showing an intermediate stage between the Latin satellite-framed system and the Romance verb-framed system.


Nordlyd ◽  
10.7557/12.16 ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mai Tungseth

This paper discusses two types of constructions in Norwegian where a combination of a verb of motion and a prepositional phrase are ambiguous between a reading of directed motion and a reading of located motion. Based on the differences in the syntactic behaviour of the two types of constructions with respect to a variety of tests (viz. VP constituency tests, adverbial placement, accent placement and the binding of anaphora), I argue that the two different readings have different argument structures and syntactic structures. On the directed motion reading, the PP appears low down in the verb phrase as complement to a functional head Path0, where it is interpreted as endpoint. Locative PPs, however, appear higher up in the structure as a verb phrase adjunct.


Author(s):  
Shunji Inagaki

AbstractAccording to Talmy’s typology of “lexicalization patterns” for a motion event, English is the type of language that conflates Motion and Manner in the verb root, whereas Japanese is the type of language that conflates Motion and Path in the verb root. This article provides an explanation for why there is such a difference between English and Japanese within the framework of Hale and Keyser’s syntactic approach to argument structure. It extends Hale and Keyser’s approach to motion verbs and locational/directional Ps in English and Japanese and shows that given a “Lexical Relational Structure” of a motion event, the difference between English and Japanese derives from the fact that the former has a variety of directional Ps, allowing the insertion of a manner-of-motion verb into the Motion V, whereas the latter has a variety of directed motion verbs with the Path P incorporated into the Motion V. This suggests that Talmy’s lexicalization patterns are constrained by general syntactic principles.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 537-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Bruening

Some syntactic approaches to argument structure posit small clause constituents to represent what they take to be the semantics of the constructions being analyzed. For example, this approach would analyze a resultative construction like Martha hammered the metal flat as containing a small clause [the metal flat]. In the small clause analysis, the NP the metal is only an argument of the result state denoted by the small clause, and its referent is not part of the causal hammering event. Depictive secondary predicates show that this analysis is incorrect; the NP referent must be part of the verbal causing event. I show this for several constructions that have been analyzed as small clauses: resultatives, caused-motion constructions, verb-particle constructions, and double object constructions, among others. I also revisit arguments that have been presented in favor of small clause analyses (e.g., the argument from adverbial modification) and show that they do not actually favor small clause analyses. Domains of anaphora, in contrast, converge with depictives as a reliable diagnostic for small clauses, as actual small clauses always constitute opaque domains for anaphora.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 476-510
Author(s):  
Agnes Kim ◽  
Katharina Korecky-Kröll

Abstract German in Austria is claimed to be shaped by wide-spread dialect use and historical language contact. In this context, variation in prepositional phrases (PPs) is frequently cited, but still underresearched. Three linguistic variables are particularly interesting: (1) preposition choice (p-choice), (2) case marking in PPs and (3) preposition–determiner contractions. The present study aims at identifying linguistic and sociolinguistic – including regional – patterns of variation in the realization of PPs with two-way prepositions in German in Austria on the basis of natural production data including formal and informal registers from urban and rural adults of different age groups and different socioeconomic backgrounds living in Bavarian regions of Austria. The data were compared against the German standard variety from Germany to identify all constructions (possibly) specific for German in Austria. Results indicate that p-choice (particularly in directed motion constructions) shows mostly regional effects: South Bavarian varieties are characterized by preposition drop, whereas in the other regions, the preposition auf ‘on(to)’ seems overrepresented. However, case marking is more dependent on sociodemographic variables and accusative–dative syncretism appears more frequently in plural than in singular contexts. Finally, specific preposition–determiner contractions are widespread across all regions and groups investigated, even in (close-to-)standard registers.


Author(s):  
Sauro Succi

Fluid flow at nanoscopic scales is characterized by the dominance of thermal fluctuations (Brownian motion) versus directed motion. Thus, at variance with Lattice Boltzmann models for macroscopic flows, where statistical fluctuations had to be eliminated as a major cause of inefficiency, at the nanoscale they have to be summoned back. This Chapter illustrates the “nemesis of the fluctuations” and describe the way they have been inserted back within the LB formalism. The result is one of the most active sectors of current Lattice Boltzmann research.


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