Introduction

Author(s):  
Joslyn Barnhart

This chapter shows that Germany's catastrophic reaction to humiliation engendered by the outcome of World War I was not an anomaly. It talks about how Germany's humiliation was representative of a broader pattern of international behavior in which states that have experienced certain humiliating events are more likely to engage in international aggression and intentionally defiant foreign policies. It also explains how humiliated states will be more apt to pursue territorial conquest, intervene in the affairs of other states, engage in diplomatic hostility and verbal discord, and pursue advanced weaponry and other symbols of national resurgence. Humiliated states engage in hostile behaviors because they define high international status and enables those who identify with the state to overcome humiliation and regain a sense of collective efficacy and authority. The chapter explores the ways in which the hostile acts toughen the image of the state in the eyes of others because they demonstrate the state's distinctive capabilities as well as its intention to restore prior status.

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-165
Author(s):  
Patrick Hodgson

AbstractThis article provides a synopsis of the spread of epidemic influenza throughout Queensland in 1919–20.1 Statewide the story was, to a greater or lesser extent, the same – regardless of occupation or whether one was from the city or the bush, on the coast or in the far west, no one was immune; even being 300 kilometres from the nearest epicentre of the outbreak was no guarantee of safety. An examination of the state’s newspapers, particularly the Brisbane Courier, makes it evident that outbreaks of influenza erupted almost simultaneously throughout the state. Aided and abetted by Queensland’s network of railways and coastal shipping, together with the crowding of people at country shows, race meetings and celebrations of the formal conclusion of World War I, the disease was swiftly diffused throughout the state. This article hopes to give the reader a sense of how the sheer scale and urgency of the crisis at times overwhelmed authorities and communities.


Author(s):  
Brent A. R. Hege

AbstractAs dialectical theology rose to prominence in the years following World War I, the new theologians sought to distance themselves from liberalism in a number of ways, an important one being a rejection of Schleiermacher’s methods and conclusions. In reading the history of Weimar-era theology as it has been written in the twentieth century one would be forgiven for assuming that Schleiermacher found no defenders during this time, as liberal theology quietly faded into the twilight. However, a closer examination of this period reveals a different story. The last generation of liberal theologians consistently appealed to Schleiermacher for support and inspiration, perhaps none more so than Georg Wobbermin, whom B. A. Gerrish has called a “captain of the liberal rearguard.” Wobbermin sought to construct a religio-psychological method on the basis of Schleiermacher’s definition of religion and on his “Copernican turn” toward the subject and resolutely defended such a method against the new dialectical theology long after liberal theology’s supposed demise. A consideration of Wobbermin’s appeals to Schleiermacher in his defense of the liberal program reveals a more complex picture of the state of theology in the Weimar period and of Schleiermacher’s legacy in German Protestant thought.


Author(s):  
Miroslav Jovanovic

The Archive of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Belgrade holds three letters that the young writer Milutin Bojic (1892-1917) sent to dramaturge and politician Milan Grol (1876-1952). Bojic wrote to Grol from the island of Corfu, where, together with the Serbian government and the army, he was spending his days in exile. Bojic had a great desire to continue his education and thus to contribute to the Serbian people and the state. These letters are very important historical sources about the life of a young poet who has famously described the suffering of Serbian Army in World War I in his Ode to a Blue Sea Tomb.


Author(s):  
Ian Kumekawa

This chapter examines Pigou's life during World War I. At no time in his life were his private thoughts about noneconomic values more public than between 1914 and 1918. Economists often grant that war is a period of exception, that policies and rules considered wise in peacetime are not applicable during wars. For Pigou, this exceptionalism applied not only to matters of economic policy but also to his own silence on policy and ethical imperatives. Yet the war left Pigou disheartened by the human capacity for atrocity. Moreover, the byzantine machinations of politics and bureaucracy left him disenchanted with something else entirely: the state apparatus. Thus, the war and its aftermath hollowed Pigou out; his youthful idealism was shaken, and his conception of the state as a fundamental theoretical agent in his system of welfare economics shattered.


2018 ◽  
pp. 238-246
Author(s):  
Tricia Starks

The onset of World War I brought prohibition to alcohol but an explosion of tobacco use on the front lines, with even government sponsored tobacco collection drives, yet the Bolshevik Revolution, carried the downfall of the tobacco queens and ushered into power a new state with its own conflicted relationship to tobacco. The participation of the tobacco workers in the Kronstadt rebellion spurred attacks on women workers as backward and erased them from the record. The triumph of public health as a major policy point of the revolution closed one chapter on tobacco’s relationship to state and citizen and brought a new era for anti-tobacco advocacy although the continued situation of tobacco use within the disease cluster of neurasthenia did little to change opinions on therapy. Despite the avowed interest of the state, the anti-tobacco drive floundered as smoking became more popular, ubiquitous, and profitable.


2021 ◽  
pp. 136-160
Author(s):  
Roger Mac Ginty

This chapter examines informal truces and acts of humanity and reciprocity during violent conflict. It is interested in the ‘hard cases’ of all-out warfare and draws on World War I and World War II personal diaries and memoirs. The chapter demonstrates that in some circumstances, everyday peace—or at least everyday tolerance and civility—has been possible during warfare. It contains multiple examples of ‘ordinary’ combatants showing humanity, compassion, and generosity to their supposed opponents. These cases are particularly interesting from the point of view of this book as they often occurred ‘under the radar’ or outside the surveillance of the state and others. Indeed, in many cases, they were expressly forbidden by military organisations and were contrary to the prevailing national mood of antagonism towards the enemy. They show individual and group initiative, as well as resistance to a national or wider group.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Etel Solingen

Recent commentary on the centenary of World War I evokes similarities between Germany then and China now, and between globalization then and now. The nature of dominant coalitions in both countries provides a conceptual anchor for understanding the links between internal and external politics in 1914 and 2014. Coalitional dynamics draw greater attention to agency in debates that all too often emphasize structure, impersonal forces, and inevitability. Two core claims rest on this basic analytical building block. First, despite apparent similarities in domestic coalitional arrangements of putative revisionist challengers—Germany and China—important differences defy facile analogies. China now is not Germany then. Second, the regional coalitional cluster and the global political economy—and hence the links between domestic and external politics—differ across the two periods. The “world-time” against which coalitions operate today is significantly different as well. Thus ahistorical analogies between then and now may not only be imperfect; they can infuse actors with misguided and perilous protocols for international behavior. There is plenty that may recall World War I today but even more that does not, and all must make sure that gap never narrows.


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