The minor parties, 'one-man bands' and some fellow-travellers

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Res Publica ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-501
Author(s):  
Dusan Sidjanski

The results of the first European elections reflect the general distribution of the European electorate slightly center-right oriented, even if the abstentionism of almost 40 % caused some distorsions as in the case of United Kingdom. After the comparison of the results, state by state, it appears globally that the socialists ( 113) and liberals (40) regressed, the gaullists and their allies (22) suffered a serious defeat, white the christian democrats ( 107) and the communists (44) progressed and some minor parties (leftists and regionalists) entered the European Parliament.The second part contains a portrait of the new European Parliament which is younger than its predecessor, has more women including its president and has many high personnalities. As in the past, the political groupsplay a central and dynamic role. The question is to know if they will be capable of maintaining their cohesion. The examined cases give no evidence of the existence of the center-right majority in front of the left opposition. In fact, there were changing coalitions and voting constellations according to different problems, ideological options or concrete choices. The recent vote rejecting the proposed budget expresses a will of the European Parliament to impose its style and its democratic control on the European Community.


Author(s):  
Rachel K. Gibson

The final chapter reviews the key findings of the book, and reflects on the future direction of digital campaigning. The main conclusions are threefold: (1) Developments in digital campaigning follow a similar pattern across countries. A four-stage cycle of experimentation, standardization, community building, and individual voter mobilization is clearly evident across the book’s four case studies. (2) The pace of that development and countries’ current positions differ according to regime-level characteristics and levels of national technological advancement. Notably, parties and individual candidates can also play a significant role in shaping that process. In particular, mainstream leftist parties and some of the more prominent minor parties serve as key catalysts for change. (3) The “mainstreaming” of digital technology is fostering the growth of a new type of campaign operative—the apolitico—and a new condition of hypernormality in which power is centralized organizationally and systemically to an unprecedented degree.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-299
Author(s):  
Neil Southern

AbstractA key political feature of South Africa's transformation was the African National Congress, the National Party and Inkatha Freedom Party working together in a grand coalition. This arrangement was praised by leading power-sharing theorist Arend Lijphart. The unity government began in 1994 but two years later the National Party withdrew. This article explores power sharing during the initial phase of the settlement and discusses three aspects of it. First, the South African example points to the electoral drawbacks of power sharing for minor parties. Second, the National Party's participation in the coalition stifled the early development of substantial political opposition which slowed the pace of democratic consolidation. Third, participation in a power-sharing arrangement undermined the National Party's electoral fortunes contributing to its dissolution in 2005. This was an unexpected outcome for a party which had co-authored the country's settlement a little over a decade earlier.


2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 225-229
Author(s):  
Caitlyn Lehmann

Among the plethora of minor parties fielding candidates in Australia's 2016 federal election was a relative newcomer called Sustainable Australia. Formed in 2010 and campaigning with the slogan ‘Better, not bigger’, the party's policy centrepiece calls for Australia to slow its population growth through a combination of lower immigration, changes to family payments, and the withdrawal of government agencies from proactive population growth strategies (Sustainable Australia, n.d.). At a global level, the party also calls for Australia to increase foreign aid with a focus on supporting women's health, reproductive rights and education. Like most minor parties, its candidates polled poorly, attracting too few votes to secure seats in the Senate. But in the ensuing months, the South Australian branch of The Greens broke from the national party platform by proposing the aim of stabilising South Australia's population within a generation (The Greens SA, 2017). Just this August, Australian business entrepreneur Dick Smith launched a ‘Fair Go’ manifesto, similarly calling for reductions in Australia's population growth to address rising economic inequality and a “decline in living standards” (Dick Smith Fair Go Group, 2017).


Significance Unlike in Labour’s first term, the party now no longer needs the support of minor parties to govern. Its 49% win is extraordinary given the mixed-member proportional electoral system and enables Ardern to implement her policies without seeking wider political consensus. Impacts Ardern’s win was widely anticipated, so it will have minimal effect on financial markets and business confidence. There is some agricultural and business-sector concern that the Greens will wield too much power if they are involved in government. New Zealand’s borders will remain closed for now: eliminating COVID-19 from the community is Ardern’s strategy. Ardern will invest in trades training and infrastructure, but aggressive monetary policy will still be key to economic recovery. The weakness of the centre-right National Party is letting the libertarian ACT New Zealand rise in popularity.


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Headline AUSTRALIA: Expenses row will boost minor parties


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