sanction policy
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2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Morales Pedraza

It has become common practice for the US administration to apply sanctions to countries that adopt policies to defend their political, economic, and military interests but affect or are against those of the US. The application of the US sanctions policy has been extended in recent years to include even friendly or allied countries. When is the US sanction policy applied? In principle, when other countries assume positions or adopt political, economic, and military policies that do not respect or reflect the US interests or do not support its commercial, economic, political, or military policies and positions. As a result of the US sanctions policy's expansion application, now the US government does not distinguish between allies, friends, adversaries, or enemies. Sanctions against Germany and other European countries and companies and Russian companies for constructing the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline are clear examples of what has been said above. But, what happens if all great powers apply the same US sanction policy? The reaction of China, Russia, and the EU, among others rejecting the US sanctions policy covering political, economic, and military issues, complicates the search for acceptable solutions to the main world problems increasing tensions at this level. Undoubtedly, this is not the way to find acceptable solutions to international or regional disputes. They can only be found through negotiations in good faith, the use of diplomacy, and increasing trust among countries involved in regional and international disputes. The use of unilateral force, the adoption of arbitrary sanctions, or the threat of military actions to force change another country's position or policy will not strengthen international peace and security but the contrary.


Author(s):  
I. P. Khominich ◽  
S. Alikhani

Economic sanctions always have destructive impact on economic structures of states, especially such developing countries as Iran and Russia. These countries used anti-sanction economic approach in order to oppose western sanctions. Strategy of anti-sanction economy is a tool of counteracting adverse impact of sanctions on national economy as a sanction target. The authors investigate the influence of strategy of anti-sanction economy on national economy of Iran and Russia, which are facing economic sanctions introduced by western countries. Research findings demonstrate that strategy of anti-sanction economy is a key priority of both Iran and Russia. This strategy helps these countries improve the local business climate, support small and medium enterprises and raise efficiency of local production units. Principle recommendations of our research for Iran and Russia imply that apart from using strategy of anti-sanction economy these countries should do their best to lower their dependence on the US dollar (strategy of dollarization), improve bilateral economic cooperation and eliminate trade barriers to increase trade flows.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 77-98
Author(s):  
O. I. Rebro

The development of the US foreign policy tools in the 20th century resulted in sanctions becoming one of the most convenient means for achieving administration’s goals on the international arena, as well as a useful tool in domestic politics. Institutionally established within the scope of the executive branch, buttressed by the US dominance in the world economy and viewed as a “humane” way of influencing foreign elites, it does not demand significant political capital and, as a result, can be implemented without deep strategic thinking. Current US policy towards Russia is constrained by the framework of the sanctions regime, created by Barak Obama Administration in 2014. This regime is inherently inert and is likely to determine the scope and methods of the US policy towards Russia for the foreseeable future regardless of the priorities of the country’s leadership. This article seeks to study the creation of the regime and explain the logic of decision-making process regarding this issue. Utilizing the approach of Francesco Giumelli, who developed a system of factors to explain the logic of a sanctions policy, the author shows that the US sanction policy towards Russia was framed by the desire to demonstrate the ability to mobilize international community and reaffirm its commitments to the security of the Eastern Europe. Low profile of the Ukraine issue on the US foreign policy agenda as well as low political cost of the escalation towards Russia resulted in sanctions becoming a substitute for a foreign policy strategy and were not accompanied by the analysis of the situation, determination of goals and the parameters for evaluating the success of the policy. The deficiency of such an approach is accentuated by the comparison with the European Union who paid a higher price for its sanctions and, despite a popular in Russia notion of a unified “West”, not only resisted the will of the US, but acted as a deterrent for its actions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Carto Nuryanto

Victims of drug abuse in the mandate of the Act should the victim run a rehabilitation, will remain in reality the victim immediately subjected to criminal penalties, so that there is a non-compliance with the law enforcement system carried out by the authorities with statutory regulations, weaknesses in the criminal sanction policy and actions in law enforcement in handling the current drug crime, as well as how the reconstruction of criminal sanctions policies and actions in the enforcement of the drug crime control system in realizing religious justice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-19
Author(s):  
Raimo Lahti

The article examines the development towards a multilayered criminal policy in Europe on the basis of the Finnish experience. Three basic trends are noticeable from that point of view: Scandinavization of Finnish criminal and sanction policy; the influence of human and basic rights on the Finnish legal culture and criminal procedural law; and the effects of constitutional, human rights and EU law obligations on the Finnish criminal law reform. In addition, the challenges arising from Europeanization and internationalization of criminal law and criminal justice are analysed. In the concluding remarks, Finnish and Scandinavian criticism is expressed in relation to the unification of European criminal law, in favour of ‘united in diversity’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Dian Naren Budi Prastiti

Tulisan ini membahas kebijakan Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) yang diterapkan oleh Amerika Serikat terhadap negara-negara yang melakukan pembelanjaan militer dengan Rusia, Iran, dan Korea Utara. Kebijakan CAATSA yang berbentuk sanksi embargo ini penting untuk ditelaah melalui berbagai perspektif ilmiah karena merupakan kebijakan sanksi ekonomi pertama Amerika yang diterapkan secara kolektif. Berbeda dengan sanksi embargo sebelumnya yang diaplikasikan secara personal terhadap suatu negara dengan alasan tertentu, CAATSA ditujukan terhadap semua negara kendati pada kenyataannya terdapat pengecualian. Meskipun penelitian mengenai CAATSA ini tidak banyak dilakukan, namun demikian sebagian besar kajian terdahulu lebih banyak melihat dengan sudut pandang hubungan Amerika-India, hukum penegakan sanksi embargo, proses pembuatan kebijakan Amerika, serta dampak ekonomi dari adanya sanksi embargo. Dengan menggunakan sudut pandang diplomasi koersif sebagai kerangka analisis, tulisan ini membingkai kegagalan pelaksanaan kebijakan CAATSA terhadap India. Argumen utama dalam tulisan ini adalah kebijakan sanksi embargo ekonomi tidak bisa diterapkan secara kolektif karena akan bertabrakan dengan kepentingan lain yang lebih besar, serta membuat penerapan menjadi tidak efektif karena adanya pengecualian terhadap beberapa negara.Kata kunci: CAATSA, Diplomasi Koersif, IndiaThis paper discusses the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) policy applied by the United States to countries that do military dealing with Russia, Iran and North Korea. CAATSA's policy in the form of an embargo sanction is important to be explored through various scientific perspectives because it is the first American economic sanction policy that is applied collectively. Unlike the previous embargo sanctions that were applied personally to a country for certain reasons, CAATSA was aimed at all countries despite the fact that there were exceptions. Although research on CAATSA is scarce, however, most of the previous studies looked more in view of American-Indian relations, law enforcement of embargo sanctions, American policy-making processes, and the economic impact of sanctions on embargoes. Using the perspective of coercive diplomacy as an analytical framework, this paper framed the failure of CAATSA's policy implementation towards India. The main argument in this paper is that the policy of sanctioning the economic embargo cannot be applied collectively because it will collide with other larger interests, and make the application ineffective because of the exception of several countries.Keyword: CAATSA, Coercive Diplomacy, India


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (85) ◽  
pp. 30-62
Author(s):  
Paulina Matera ◽  
Rafał Matera

Abstract In the article, we explore the factors which brought about the transatlantic coordination of the policy of imposing sanctions on Iran. We will mainly focus on the events in the 21st century when the new incentives for cooperation appeared due to the growing concern over the development of Iran’s nuclear programme. Considering the capabilities of using the tools of economic statecraft and diplomacy, we claim that the EU-US cooperation can be termed a co-leadership. The assessment and the reasons for the transatlantic break-up on this matter during the presidency of Donald Trump was examined using the concept of relative gains. We evaluate to what extent the initial goals were achieved in practice, and we also try to predict the possible consequences of the US withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). As to whether the effectiveness of the sanctions through the cooperation has been enhanced, the answer is ambivalent. On the one hand, the cooperating transatlantic partners managed to coerce Iran through isolating the country from international economic contacts and negotiated the JCPOA. On the other hand, Trump’s renouncement of this agreement brought many negative consequences and undermined the earlier joint effort.


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