Representing Chinese Indonesians: Pribumi Discourse and Regional Elections in Post-Reform Indonesia

Utilising Pitkin’s concept of representation, this article surveys the landscape of Chinese Indonesian political representation since the advent of regional elections in 1999. Analyses of the dataset of individual profiles of Chinese Indonesian executives, as they adopt inclusive-pairing tactics by taking on deputised roles or appeal using charisma, had demonstrated that there was a visible transition from “descriptive” towards more “substantive” forms of political representation in various constituencies – seen as the most important dimension of ideal representation despite the presence of soft ethnic politics. Recent appeals to indigenism ( pribumi-ism), especially in the wake of Jakarta governor Ahok’s failed re-election bid in 2017, had the effect of confining representational politics towards the narrow margins of ethnicity above all else. This article looks at the precarity of thedivide between pribumis and Chinese Indonesians ( Tionghoa) from the perspective of political representation at the regions and fills in the lacuna of political representativeness in post-reform Indonesia – overlooked so far by critiques of democracy. .

Ideology in the linguistic landscape: Towards a quantitative approach

Past approaches to ideological commemorative street naming have taken for granted the concept of ideology, focusing on the policy decisions and the debates surrounding individual and more concerted resemioticisations. In this paper, we demonstrate that the concept of ideology in the context of commemorative street renaming is by no means unequivocal by illustrating how different decisions on what is or is not an ideological street name change influences the shape and the scope of ‘the ideological robe of the city’ (Zieliński, 1994). More specifically, we report on methodological decisions and their implications for representational politics in two towns, Zbąszyń in Poland and Annaberg-Buchholz in Germany, during consecutive waves of regime changes since the First World War. We rely on a complex data-set consisting of maps, town hall documents, street directories, newspapers and interviews with administrative officials. Visualisation of geographical patterns allows us to illustrate the outcomes of different definitions of ideology and explore how these definitions affect our analysis. Our primary aim is to arrive at systematic, and thus supra-locally operationalizable, analytical procedure for distinguishing ideological from non-ideological street naming practices.

The Representational Politics of Oscar Winning Movies of Obama Period

This paper attempts to focus on Academy Awards belonging to a particular timeline, specifically during the administration Council of America's 44th President Barack Obama ( 20 January 2009 to 20 January 2017). It concentrates on the selection of movies and its themes that has been reflected in three wider sections such as war, black and LGBTQ movies. The primary objective of this particular paper is to discover the obscured and parallel politics that usher the process of selection in Academy. This paper tries to exemplify the actuality that in selecting foremost movies in the Academy entertain superior authority and their governance and also how the assessment of movies are culturally and politically biased. All discussed movies are the findings of chief objective and are primary sources that fundamentally appease its argument that selection of Oscar winning movies are culturally and politically biased.

“Educate, Agitate, Organize”: Inequality and Ethics in the Writings of Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar

Scholars of business and management studies have recently turned their attention to inequality, a key issue for business ethics given the role of private firms in transmitting—and potentially challenging—inequalities. However, this research is yet to examine inequality from a subaltern perspective. In this paper, we discuss the alleviation of inequalities in organizational and institutional contexts by drawing on the ideas of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, a jurist, political leader and economist, and one of the unsung social theorists of the twentieth century. Specifically, we focus on Ambedkar’s critique of the Indian caste system, his outline of comprehensive reform, and prescription of representational politics to achieve equality. We contend that an Ambedkarite ethical manifesto of persuasion—focussed on state-led institutional reforms driven by the subaltern—can help management researchers reimagine issues of inequality and extend business ethics beyond organizational boundaries.

Flowing between the Personal and Collective: Being Human beyond Categories of Study

Caught between different structures of identity hierarchies, queer and trans Asian American experiences have been systematically erased, forgotten, or purposely buried; as such, their experiences have often been minimized. In this paper, we seek to reimagine personhood in psychology through the perspectives of queer and trans Asian American subjectivities. Beginning with a brief discussion on the impacts of coloniality on conventional conceptualizations of who counts as human, we then consider how this is taken up in psychology, especially for multiply marginalized folx. Moving beyond the possibilities of representational politics, we explore possible decolonial frameworks and alternative methodologies in psychology to center queer and trans Asian American personhoods and to see them as more than just research participants.

Emergent Feminisms and Racial Discourses of Televisual Girlfriendship

This chapter focuses on the cycle’s integration of emerging feminist discourses and its disruption of the postfeminist sensibility by interrogating its focus on female friendship. It highlights how the centrality of female friendship demonstrates the cycle’s liberal politics and therefore its appeal to upscale liberal or progressive audiences. The close, complex, honest relationships between main female friends on these shows, like Abbi and Ilana on Broad City, Gretchen and Lindsay on You’re the Worst, Quinn and Rachel on UnReal, or Rebecca and Paula on Crazy Ex-Girlfriend, allow them a critical self-awareness to interrogate gender norms, whiteness, and millennial culture. But the cycle’s incredibly insular and encouraging friendships also obscure racial politics and diversity by recentering whiteness and celebrating a particularly narrow type of liberal feminist girl culture that also frequently centralizes white fragility. Thinking through the critical humor and other modes of political discourse of these friendships within the context of television’s racist and postfeminist roots, this chapter situates these representations of female friendships in the context of contemporary empowerment rhetoric to interrogate the potential and limitations of television’s representational politics in this era of the reemerging or mainstreaming of feminism.

Rodrigo Duterte as Ideology: Academic vs. Social Media Myths and Representations and their Implications to Political Order

Rodrigo Duterte is imaged as an ideology through narratives, texts, discourses and representations which emerge in a highly contentious discursive terrain. This paper places this in two domains, namely in academic theorizing and popular culture, particularly in social media, both of which are implicated in representational politics. Academic theorizing about Duterte attempts to be objective and scholarly, but is dominated by anti-Duterte sentiments that are mainly born from liberal and critical orientations. The pro-Duterte social media is not only anti-elite but also has an anti-intellectual orientation. Social media is an effective contrapuntal in painting academic theorizing as a weapon of the anti-Duterte elites. Written using narratives drawn from an auto-ethnographic account of this author, this paper first analyzes the academic and social media domains around which myths and representations about Rodrigo Duterte are produced. It concludes by drawing from the analysis the implications to ideological and discursive bases for the maintenance of political order in Philippine society, particularly on the role of leaders in the context of the country’s communitarian political culture.