Repensando la tecnopolítica desde los procesos electorales 2012 y 2018 en México

This article proposes the technopolitical concept as a way to reflect on media changes both in expressions of demand as in processes of social domination and the shaping of public opinion. Longitudinal digital ethnography was carried out on the 2012 and 2018 electoral processes in Mexico. It is concluded that technopolitics is an assembly process where actors interact, with differentiated political objectives, who seek to transform a given historicity or aspire to preserve existing political structures through mobilizations, actions in social media, media content production and other technological appropriations.

Dispossession and Party Formation in Broader Comparative Perspective

This chapter shows that rather than emerging from a ready-formed cohesive industrial labor movement, these parties’ original constituency was the demoted artisan and peasantry in transition to be, but not yet, proletarianized. Second, in a related way, the chapter shows that the period of party emergence followed a process of economic and political dispossession: these parties articulated new political subjectivities in the context of eroding traditional economic and political structures. The differences in the timing of party emergence between the countries lie precisely in how these processes of dispossession developed: in Germany, the process of economic dispossession coincided with a political dispossession setting the terrain for the mass-party form, while in the British case, economic dispossession was not initially accompanied by political dispossession of the working classes, who maintained a degree of self-presentational authority, particularly in the form of “friendly societies.”

Biocultural Strategies for Measuring Psychosocial Stress Outcomes in Field-based Research

The goal of assessing psychosocial stress as a process and outcome in naturalistic (i.e., field) settings is applicable across the social, biological, and health sciences. Meaningful measurement of biology-in-context is, however, far from simple or straightforward. In this brief methods review, we introduce theoretical framings, methodological conventions, and ethical concerns around field-collection of markers of psychosocial stress that have emerged from 50 years of research at the intersection of anthropology and human biology. Highlighting measures of psychosocial stress outcomes most often used in biocultural studies, we identify the circumstances under which varied measures are most appropriately applied and provide examples of the types of cutting-edge research questions these measures can address. We explain that field-based psychosocial stress measures embedded in different body systems are neither equivalent nor interchangeable, but this recognition strengthens the study of stress as always simultaneously cultural and biological, situated in local ecologies, social–political structures, and time.

The de-institutionalisation of power beyond the state

The making of modern authority centred on efforts to formalise and de-personalise power, and transnational orders such as the European Union have often been viewed as an extension of that project. As this article argues, recent developments tell a different story. More than a decade of crisis politics has seen institutions subordinated to and reshaped by individuals and the networks they form. Locating these tendencies in a wider historical context, the article argues that greater attention to informality in transnational governance needs to be paired with greater recognition of the normative questions it raises. Just as a separation between rulers and the offices of rule was central to the making of modern legal and political structures, the weakening of that separation creates legitimacy problems for contemporary authorities both national and supranational. Rather than acclaimed as flexible problem-solving, the step back from institutions should be viewed as a challenge to accountable rule.

Shrinking planet, expanding imaginary: the imperial press system and the idea of Greater Britain

This article explores the relationship between the 19th century ‘global transformation’ and the contemporary intensification of communication media through the lens of Greater Britain, a late-Victorian ordering imaginary centred on the integration of Britain and its white settler colonies. Contrary to existing conceptions of globe-spanning media as either components of ‘interaction capacity’ or boundary conditions that set broad outer limits for political thought, I advance an understanding of media as socio-technical and political structures in their own right and explore how they surface meanings and representations upon which imaginaries such as Greater Britain depended. The argument thereby contributes to IR debates on global modernity, communication media and the dynamics of historical change.

The Origins of Temporal Legitimacy

Historical analyses of the relations between political theory and time often hinge on two claims. The first is that political theorists have until recently put less emphasis on the future than the past when debating political legitimacy and obligation. The second is that the history of political theory draws a fundamental distinction between theories that invoke time to legitimate political structures and theories that reject temporal considerations in favor of timeless principles. This chapter disputes these two claims by maintaining that competing languages of legitimacy harbor different and interrelated conceptions of temporality. A survey of time conceptions in the history of political philosophy shows that normative political theory is inherently multitemporal, involving double regard for the past and the future. And, since even tenseless principles of legitimacy often depend on temporally related forms of formulation and application, considerations about time seem inescapable in normative political theory.

THE TITLE KHALÎFAT ALLÂH IN 17TH CENTURY ACEH: Concept and Meanings

<p><strong>Abstract</strong>: This article attempts to study the use of the title ‘<em>khalîfat Allâh</em>’ in seventeenth century Aceh. The main bulk of this inquiry revolves around the concept and meanings of the title, which was adopted from the mainland of Islam. This study is historical in nature and it is done by employing the ‘descriptive analytical’ method. The description of the use of the title <em>khalîfat Allâh</em> and its relations with the Acehnese political structures will be investigated. This step is then followed by the ‘analytical’ part, in which the exploration of the Acehnese conception and the meanings of the title will be given. As a sultanate, Aceh was seen as a <em>khilâfah</em> in its own right in which God’s religion is to be implemented. As Such, the ruler’s task was not only to pursue the prosperity for the country and its people but also to foster God’s religion. Based on this tenet, the head of the state was to hold the title ‘<em>khalîfat Allâh</em>’, which simply meant the ‘deputy of God.’ By this very title a ruler was to possess both political and religious authority. Yet, by holding the religious authority did not necessarily mean that a ruler was a scholar of religion; it can be best described as a ‘religiously sanctioned authority’.</p><p><br /><strong>Abstrak</strong>: Artikel ini mengkaji penggunaan gelar ‘<em>khal</em><em>î</em><em>fat All</em><em>â</em><em>h</em>’ di kerajaan Aceh pada abad ke-17. Fokus utama dari penelitian ini berkisar tentang konsep dan makna yang terkandung dalam gelar dimaksud, yang diadopsi dari kawasan utama dunia Islam. Kajian ini berbentuk historis, dan ia dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode ‘deskriptif analitis’. Deskripsi mengenai penggunaan gelar <em>khal</em><em>î</em><em>fat All</em><em>â</em><em>h</em> dan hubungannya dengan struktur politik di Aceh ketika itu akan diinvestigasi. Langkah ini kemudian diikuti oleh bagian ‘analisis’, di mana eksplorasi mengenai konsep dan makna dari gelar ini akan dipaparkan. Sebagai sebuah kesultanan, Aceh dilihat sebagai sebuah <em>khil</em><em>â</em><em>fah</em> yang berdaulat di mana agama Allah diimplementasikan. Dengan demikian, tugas seorang penguasa tidak hanya mewujudkan kemajuan kerajaan dan kesejahteraan rakyatnya tetapi juga meliputi penegakan agama Allah. Atas dasar ajaran ini, kepala negara menyandang gelar ‘<em>khal</em><em>î</em><em>fat All</em><em>â</em><em>h</em>’, yang bermakna ‘wakil Allah’. Gelar ini memberikan makna bahwa seorang penguasa memiliki otoritas politik dan agama. Namun, kepemilikan otoritas agama tidak berarti bahwa penguasa adalah seorang yang ahli dalam bidang agama (<em>‘ulama’</em>); ia dapat dikatakan sebagai ‘otoritas yang memiliki nilai keagamaan.’ <br /> <br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> Aceh, sultanate,<em> khalîfat Allâh</em>, authority, politics, religion</p>