scholarly journals THE TITLE KHALÎFAT ALLÂH IN 17TH CENTURY ACEH: Concept and Meanings

2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Amirul Hadi

<p><strong>Abstract</strong>: This article attempts to study the use of the title ‘<em>khalîfat Allâh</em>’ in seventeenth century Aceh. The main bulk of this inquiry revolves around the concept and meanings of the title, which was adopted from the mainland of Islam. This study is historical in nature and it is done by employing the ‘descriptive analytical’ method. The description of the use of the title <em>khalîfat Allâh</em> and its relations with the Acehnese political structures will be investigated. This step is then followed by the ‘analytical’ part, in which the exploration of the Acehnese conception and the meanings of the title will be given. As a sultanate, Aceh was seen as a <em>khilâfah</em> in its own right in which God’s religion is to be implemented. As Such, the ruler’s task was not only to pursue the prosperity for the country and its people but also to foster God’s religion. Based on this tenet, the head of the state was to hold the title ‘<em>khalîfat Allâh</em>’, which simply meant the ‘deputy of God.’ By this very title a ruler was to possess both political and religious authority. Yet, by holding the religious authority did not necessarily mean that a ruler was a scholar of religion; it can be best described as a ‘religiously sanctioned authority’.</p><p><br /><strong>Abstrak</strong>: Artikel ini mengkaji penggunaan gelar ‘<em>khal</em><em>î</em><em>fat All</em><em>â</em><em>h</em>’ di kerajaan Aceh pada abad ke-17. Fokus utama dari penelitian ini berkisar tentang konsep dan makna yang terkandung dalam gelar dimaksud, yang diadopsi dari kawasan utama dunia Islam. Kajian ini berbentuk historis, dan ia dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode ‘deskriptif analitis’. Deskripsi mengenai penggunaan gelar <em>khal</em><em>î</em><em>fat All</em><em>â</em><em>h</em> dan hubungannya dengan struktur politik di Aceh ketika itu akan diinvestigasi. Langkah ini kemudian diikuti oleh bagian ‘analisis’, di mana eksplorasi mengenai konsep dan makna dari gelar ini akan dipaparkan. Sebagai sebuah kesultanan, Aceh dilihat sebagai sebuah <em>khil</em><em>â</em><em>fah</em> yang berdaulat di mana agama Allah diimplementasikan. Dengan demikian, tugas seorang penguasa tidak hanya mewujudkan kemajuan kerajaan dan kesejahteraan rakyatnya tetapi juga meliputi penegakan agama Allah. Atas dasar ajaran ini, kepala negara menyandang gelar ‘<em>khal</em><em>î</em><em>fat All</em><em>â</em><em>h</em>’, yang bermakna ‘wakil Allah’. Gelar ini memberikan makna bahwa seorang penguasa memiliki otoritas politik dan agama. Namun, kepemilikan otoritas agama tidak berarti bahwa penguasa adalah seorang yang ahli dalam bidang agama (<em>‘ulama’</em>); ia dapat dikatakan sebagai ‘otoritas yang memiliki nilai keagamaan.’              <br /> <br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> Aceh, sultanate,<em> khalîfat Allâh</em>, authority, politics, religion</p>

AJS Review ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-250
Author(s):  
David Malkiel

Ghettoization stimulated sixteenth-century Italian Jewry to develop larger and more complex political structures, because the Jewish community now became responsible for municipal tasks. This development, however, raised theological objections in Catholic circles because Christian doctrine traditionally forbade the Jewish people dominion. It also aroused hostility among the increasingly centralized governments of early modern Europe, who viewed Jewish self-government as an infringement of the sovereignty of the state. The earliest appearance of the term “state within a state,” which has become a shorthand expression for the latter view, was recently located in Venice in 1631.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-249
Author(s):  
Jean-Pascal Gay

This paper explores the connection between the early modern debates over Probabilism and political counsel. It argues that the issue of counsel was important in the polemics against Jesuit moral theology. Theological challenges to Probabilism clearly show that many intellectuals were worried it could lead political counsellors astray and encourage them to defer to the whims of political authorities. This was not merely a theoretical issue. Three French cases evidence the fact that political counsellors could claim an obligation to put obedience to their sovereign before obedience to religious authority—the pope in particular—on religious grounds. The discussion between anti-probabilists and probabilists during the second half of the seventeenth century shows the degree of unrest among theological and ecclesiastical authorities confronted with the demands of the state on individual conscience, and on the conscience of counsellors in particular.


Author(s):  
Marta Pérez Toral

<p>El objetivo principal de este trabajo es el estudio de voces y expresiones utilizadas para especificar el estado de las propiedades que se inventarían y que hemos registrado en documentos notariales asturianos del siglo XVII. El corpus está constituido por documentos originales, manuscritos e inéditos que recogen relaciones de bienes materiales (testamentos, cartas de arras, inventarios, donaciones, etc.), reunidos en el <em>CorLexIn</em>.</p><p>The main objective of this article / paper is the analysis of voices and expressions used to specify the state of the properties that would be invented and that we have recorded in seventeenth century Asturian notary documents. The corpus consists of original documents, manuscripts and unpublished documents that collect list/records of material goods (wills, bridal dowry letters (“arras”), inventories, donations, etc.), gathered in the <em>CorLexIn</em>.</p>


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.


Moments of royal succession, which punctuated the Stuart era (1603–1714), occasioned outpourings of literature. Writers, including most of the major figures of the seventeenth century from Jonson, Daniel, and Donne to Marvell, Dryden, and Behn, seized upon these occasions to mark the transition of power; to reflect upon the political structures and values of their nation; and to present themselves as authors worthy of patronage and recognition. This volume of essays explores this important category of early modern writing. It contends that succession literature warrants attention as a distinct category: appreciated by contemporaries, acknowledged by a number of scholars, but never investigated in a coherent and methodical manner, it helped to shape political reputations and values across the period. Benefiting from the unique database of such writing generated by the AHRC-funded Stuart Successions Project, the volume brings together a distinguished group of authors to address a subject which is of wide and growing interest to students both of history and of literature. It illuminates the relation between literature and politics in this pivotal century of English political and cultural history. Interdisciplinary in scope, the volume will be indispensable to scholars of early modern British literature and history as well as undergraduates and postgraduates in both fields.


Author(s):  
Lesley Ellis Miller

This article explores the surface and substance of elite dress in the baroque period by unpacking printed texts and images that reveal their political and economic significance in the courts of Europe. It does so by considering the nature and sources of garments and fabrics, continuity and change in their production and consumption in Spain and France, and the shaping of the modern fashion system—a system in which changes in textiles and trimmings were promoted seasonally by the state, textile manufacturers, and the nascent fashion press (Le Mercure galant) from the late seventeenth century onward. It thus underlines the local and global networks involved in the production and consumption of dress.


2020 ◽  
Vol 147 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-163
Author(s):  
Kirsten Dzwiza

SummaryThere are only a few sequences of ancient magic signs known to us today that have been preserved on multiple artefacts. A previously unnoticed sequence of 17 signs on a gem in the Museum of Fine Arts in Vienna occurs with minor but significant variations on two other gems in the State Museum of Egyptian Art in Munich. The Viennese gem is dated to the 16th century and is documented as a drawing in a 17th century publication. The first Munich gem has been assigned to the Graeco-Roman period. The second gem, which, according to the inventory card of the museum, also belongs to the Graeco-Roman period, is published here for the first time. A comparative study of the three gems and the drawing has lead to a number of new findings, including the re-dating of the Munich gems.


1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 773-791 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. C. Coleman

The intention of this paper is to look at some of the problems which arise in attempts to provide ‘explanations’ of mercantilism and especially its English manifestations. By ‘explanations’ I mean the efforts which some writers have made causally to relate the historical appearance of sets of economic notions or general recommendations on economic policy or even acts of economic policy by the state to particular long-term phenomena of, or trends in, economic history. Historians of economic thought have not generally made such attempts. With a few exceptions they have normally concerned themselves with tracing and analysing the contributions to economic theory made by those labelled as mercantilists. The most extreme case of non-explanation is provided by Eli Heckscher's reiterated contention in his two massive volumes that mercantilism was not to be explained by reference to the economic circumstances of the time; mercantilist policy was not to be seen as ‘the outcome of the economic situation’; mercantilist writers did not construct their system ‘out of any knowledge of reality however derived’. So strongly held an antideterminist fortress, however congenial a haven for some historians of ideas, has given no comfort to other historians – economic or political, Marxist or non-Marxist – who obstinately exhibit empiricist tendencies. Some forays against the fortress have been made. Barry Supple's analysis of English commerce in the early seventeenth century and the resulting presentation of mercantilist thought and policy as ‘the economics of depression’ has passed into the textbooks and achieved the status of an orthodoxy.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Werle

How should one go about reading German 17th century poetry? Dirk Werle answers this question on the basis of a consistently historical understanding of both genre and epoch. In the seventeenth century, “poetry” had a decidedly different meaning from what we take it to be today, and there was no such thing as our term “Baroque”. For each of the chapter's introductory analyses, from which more general considerations and points of view are developed, poems have been selected that do not appear in relevant anthologies and therefore allow unbiased access to a fascinating field of literary history. The Author shows that 17th century poetry is characterized by a poetics of repetition, based on affinity to music and the principle of convivial play. It is a form of pop literature that does not directly refer to reality, but creates a poetic world all its own. To grasp this phenomenon, a “hermeneutics of simplicity” is called for, which is introduced and explained in this book.


2016 ◽  

History of justice is not only the history of state justice. Rather, we often deal with a coexistence of state, parastatal and non-state courts. Interesting research questions emerge out of this constellation: Where are notions of just conflict resolution most likely to be enforceable? To what extent is non-state jurisdiction a mode of self-regulation of social groups who define themselves by means of ethnic, religious or functional criteria? How do state and non-state ambitions interact? This collective volume contains contributions exploring non-state and parastatal justice between the 17th century and the present in Europe, Asia, North America as well as from a global perspective.


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