domestic policies
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2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tien-Der Han ◽  
M. Emranul Haque ◽  
Arijit Mukherjee

Abstract We show that cost asymmetry between the domestic and foreign firms is not necessary for the occurrence of insufficient entry in the domestic country. This result provides a rationale for pro-competitive domestic policies even in the absence of cost asymmetries among the domestic and foreign firms. However, if significant demand comes from foreign countries, and the market structures are determined endogenously in the domestic and foreign countries, domestic-entry in an open economy might not be insufficient, implying that foreign competition might not reduce the importance of anti-competitive domestic policies.


Author(s):  
Na Song ◽  
Iain McLellan ◽  
Wei Liu ◽  
Zhenghua Wang ◽  
Andrew Hursthouse

AbstractThe 2017 ban on the waste import and new policies for the waste management sector in mainland China had wide-spread impact. After decades of poor environmental and public health impacts from the sector, a study is needed which focuses on policies updates and waste management. This provides a direction for the survival of local waste management industries and consider similarities with the ban promulgated in China on the restriction of waste import from other countries. We review the waste management situation in China before national legislation prevented the import of waste, highlight the status of landfill mining in China, and review the dynamics of domestic policies before and after the promulgation of the ban in China. The impact of the COVID19 pandemic on the waste management system is starting to emerge, providing both challenges and opportunities for the sector in China. We see the impact of the ban on the range of imported waste and domestically generated materials. The ban results in price increases for domestic recycling that forces companies to introduce more formal recycling processes and to drive the consumption behaviours to more reasonable and environmentally friendly options. The driver in China is to reduce pollution in the environment and improve health, but a negative impact has been from increased landfill mining which has impeded the original aim of the waste ban and requires further technological development. The dynamic of domestic policies in China shows higher level of activity of updates and revisions or introduction of new policies from 2015 onwards and the concept of ‘zero waste cities’ brings new hope for improvement of the Chinese waste management system. The pandemic also suggests an important step to establish sustainable management systems despite evidence of increased “fly-tipping”. The rebound of the waste ban may have stimulated in the short term negative impacts on local environments both in China and internationally.


2021 ◽  
pp. 112-129
Author(s):  
Carlyle A. Thayer
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-258
Author(s):  
Navid Fozi

This article explores the diasporic subjectivities of Iranians in Malaysia, specifically how homeland and host country’s national domestic policies and bilateral state relations, in addition to international politics, mold Iranians’ diasporic discourses, organizations, and economics. Positioned within the broader scholarship, my ethnography in Kuala Lumpur identifies the specificity and diversity of Iranian diasporic subjects that embed three accompanying processes of (1) fragmentation along the overlapping lines of the socioeconomic, the political, the ethnic, and the gendered; (2) polarization denoting open opposition of political ideologies and allegiances, religious interpretations, as well as ethnic and gender identities; (3) and pluralization as consciousness accommodating free and equal interaction and communication among diverse groups. Exploring these processes, I argue that the Iranians who observed, discussed, and imagined their own fragmentation and polarization, also developed a pluralist consciousness informed by the host country’s diverse backdrop.


Author(s):  
Sergiu Gherghina ◽  
Nanuli Silagadze

AbstractMost national level referendums in Europe since 1793 are initiated either by political elites or by citizens. It remains unclear why these two types of initiators call for referendums. This article aims to explain under what circumstances political elites and citizens call referendums on domestic policies. The analysis is conducted at country level using an original data set that covers 461 national level referendums in Europe between 1793 and 2019. It tests the influence of four institutional variables that in theory are expected to have a divergent effect for the two types of initiators. The experience with direct democracy increases the likelihood to have referendums called by elites and reduces the incidence of citizen-initiated referendums. More authoritarian countries and longer time passed from referendums in a neighboring country explain why political elites initiate referendums. Coalition governments are more prone to citizen-initiated referendums on domestic policies compared to single-party governments.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 450-466
Author(s):  
Adi Saputro ◽  
Taufiequrrohman Taufiequrrohman

In the framework of international politics, the economic dimension has a central role in relations between countries. The economic dimension, particularly investment, is a determinant factor and often becomes a global measure in achieving national development. This has also become President Jokowi's big ambition since he came to power in Indonesia. Various investments were brought in in the framework of national development and the implementation of the Nawa Cita ideals. The foreign policy which is very inclined to attract investors continues. Deregulation of domestic policies was also carried out in order to welcome investment. However, in fact, the investment that Jokowi brought and carried out did not change the lives of Indonesian people. Economic growth predicted to skyrocket has actually stagnated in the 5 years of his reign. The absorption of labor has also decreased. Not to mention other problems caused by the investment made.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-265
Author(s):  
Timothy Besley ◽  
Nicola Fontana ◽  
Nicola Limodio

Firms in tradable sectors are more likely to be subject to external competition to limit market power, while nontradable firms are more dependent on domestic policies and institutions. This paper combines an antitrust index available for multiple countries with firm-level data from Orbis covering more than 12 million firms from 94 countries, including 20 sectors over 10 years and finds that profit margins of firms operating in nontradable sectors are significantly lower in countries with stronger antitrust policies compared to firms operating in tradable sectors. The results are robust to a wide variety of empirical specifications. (JEL D22, E02, L44)


2021 ◽  
pp. 88-111
Author(s):  
Benjamin J. Wetzel

This chapter analyses Roosevelt’s domestic policies and his personal family life as president. His 1901 dinner with black educator Booker T. Washington and his 1902 settling of a coal strike endeared him to reformers. In 1904 he won election in his own right. As a tolerant Protestant, Roosevelt appointed the first Jew to a cabinet position in 1906, supported the Mormon senator Reed Smoot, and defended the Unitarianism of his hand-picked successor William Howard Taft. At the same time he faced backlash for attempting to remove “In God We Trust” from the national coinage. Theodore and Edith Roosevelt also raised their children in the Christian faith and quietly encouraged their devotion.


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