Cambodian interventions will not ease Myanmar crisis

Significance Cambodia is the 2022 chair of ASEAN, which has a five-point plan for resolving conflict between the Myanmar junta and its opponents. Hun Sen held talks with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing but did not meet ousted State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, who faces years in jail. Impacts The intensifying conflict will make it difficult to distribute humanitarian assistance and COVID-19 vaccines. Efforts by certain external players to encourage a return to elected government will likely diminish. The NUG’s commitment to violent insurgency will stop Washington, the junta’s foremost critic, backing the shadow government formally.

Myanmar: viento de democracia, viento de dictadura. Una mirada desde el mundo de la novela gráfica

La imagen, a diferencia del texto, presenta un componente afectivo que permite al observador empatizar, implicarse, con aquello que observa. Uno de los sucesos que más ha llamado la atención de la comunidad internacional en la actualidad ha sido la crisis de los rohingya en Myanmar, minoría étnica musulmana intensamente perseguida, forzando uno de los mayores exilios del siglo XXI. A lo largo del presente artículo, y tras un marco teórico sobre la conexión entre problemáticas actuales y novelas gráficas, analizaremos cómo a través de este formato se ha representado la convulsa situación política del país. Nuestra atención se centra en títulos como Crónicas Birmanas, Los refugiados rohingyas de Myanmar o Aung San Suu Kyi: La dama de Rangún. Como conclusión, podemos destacar la validez de este género de creaciones para aproximar de una manera documentada la complejidad de esta crisis y la diversidad de actores e intereses en ella implicados.

The Political Influence of the Military Before and After Democratic Transition: Experiences from Indonesia - An Assessment on Myanmar

<p>Historically, the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) and Myanmar’s Armed Forces (Tatmadaw) held tremendous levels of domestic political influence. Following independence in the 1940s, both countries experienced a short and unstable democratic period. Largely due to the weakness of civilian institutions, and the special place of the TNI and the Tatmadaw in society, both militaries became the most dominant political actors in their respective countries. In 1998, President Suharto’s government fell, which instigated a period of political reform whereby the TNI removed itself from the political realm. It would seem as if democratisation has seen the TNI lose significant political clout. However, is it this simple? Does democratisation mean a total loss of political influence for the military? This paper seeks to understand to what extent the TNI lost political influence in the democratic era and whether similar developments are likely for Myanmar’s Tatmadaw. To answer this question, this paper will review literature on influence, democracy and civilmilitary relations in order to produce a thematic framework of indicators that can be used for further analysis on the TNI and the Tatmadaw. Once a framework has been laid, this paper will investigate the Indonesian experience, focusing on pre-democracy (1945-1998), before shifting to see how influential the TNI is in the democratic era (1998-2015). The Tatmadaw’s political influence will then be examined in the junta period (1948-2015). Once the Tatmadaw current state is understood, this paper will provide informed judgements on the likely influence of the Tatmadaw in a future democratic Myanmar. This paper found that in the post-Suharto era, the TNI still retains political influence as a result of its strong standing in Indonesian society, involvement in off-budget income generation, and a strong internal security role, as well as weak civilian institutions. Although the TNI no longer have a dominant role in Indonesia politics, they certain hold a level of political influence in Jakarta. With Myanmar heading toward democratisation, after fifty years of junta rule, will the Tatmadaw follow a similar trajectory? This paper is timely. November 8, 2015 will see democratic elections take place in Myanmar. The most popular political party, the National League for Democracy, led by democratic icon Aung San Suu Kyi, is likely to do very well in the election. At the same time, Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution indirectly bans her from becoming president, provides the Tatmadaw with 25 percent of the seats in parliament and gives the military a veto option, even in the supposedly democratic era.</p>

The Political Influence of the Military Before and After Democratic Transition: Experiences from Indonesia - An Assessment on Myanmar

<p>Historically, the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) and Myanmar’s Armed Forces (Tatmadaw) held tremendous levels of domestic political influence. Following independence in the 1940s, both countries experienced a short and unstable democratic period. Largely due to the weakness of civilian institutions, and the special place of the TNI and the Tatmadaw in society, both militaries became the most dominant political actors in their respective countries. In 1998, President Suharto’s government fell, which instigated a period of political reform whereby the TNI removed itself from the political realm. It would seem as if democratisation has seen the TNI lose significant political clout. However, is it this simple? Does democratisation mean a total loss of political influence for the military? This paper seeks to understand to what extent the TNI lost political influence in the democratic era and whether similar developments are likely for Myanmar’s Tatmadaw. To answer this question, this paper will review literature on influence, democracy and civilmilitary relations in order to produce a thematic framework of indicators that can be used for further analysis on the TNI and the Tatmadaw. Once a framework has been laid, this paper will investigate the Indonesian experience, focusing on pre-democracy (1945-1998), before shifting to see how influential the TNI is in the democratic era (1998-2015). The Tatmadaw’s political influence will then be examined in the junta period (1948-2015). Once the Tatmadaw current state is understood, this paper will provide informed judgements on the likely influence of the Tatmadaw in a future democratic Myanmar. This paper found that in the post-Suharto era, the TNI still retains political influence as a result of its strong standing in Indonesian society, involvement in off-budget income generation, and a strong internal security role, as well as weak civilian institutions. Although the TNI no longer have a dominant role in Indonesia politics, they certain hold a level of political influence in Jakarta. With Myanmar heading toward democratisation, after fifty years of junta rule, will the Tatmadaw follow a similar trajectory? This paper is timely. November 8, 2015 will see democratic elections take place in Myanmar. The most popular political party, the National League for Democracy, led by democratic icon Aung San Suu Kyi, is likely to do very well in the election. At the same time, Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution indirectly bans her from becoming president, provides the Tatmadaw with 25 percent of the seats in parliament and gives the military a veto option, even in the supposedly democratic era.</p>

FREEDOM OF SPEECH UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW: MYANMAR'S ANTI-COUP DEMONSTRATION VIOLENCE CASE

The paper aims to examine the position of international law against violence committed by the Myanmar military known as Tatmadaw, against Myanmar which held anti-coup demonstrations in Myanmar. The research used the normative legal research method, with the main source of data collection of legal material containing normative law. The results showed that Myanmar is one of the countries in Southeast Asia whose government has been dominated by the military. In early 2021, the Tatmadaw staged a coup against Myanmar's President Aung San Suu Kyi. The tragedy began in the 2020 elections, in which the National Democratic League (NLD) was elected as the majority to sit in Myanmar's parliament. However, Tatmadaw could have no election results and no coup. Burmese, who did not support a coup by Myanmar's military, made a massive dip in the streets. Tatmadaw performs violent acts for action until 2019. However, from the direction of the protesters, some protesters became victims of violence by the Tatmadaw. It reflects the restrictions on the freedom of speech of the People of Myanmar. Free speech is an important right of the People of Myanmar to be part of the good Human Rights face-to-face by international law through arbitrary ministers by the Tatmadaw. The Tatmadaw's acts of violence against Myanmar violate human rights set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in articles 19 and 29. In addition, freedom of speech is also governed by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in article 19.

Written on the Darkest Pages of Human History, 1991–2000

From the standpoint of the 1990s, the twentieth century seems to have ended on especially depressing notes. Run through the catalogue of tragedy: the hopeful Oslo Accords go dead with the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin (1995); Serbian-Slovenian War (1991); Serbian-Croatian War (1991–1995); Bosnian War (1992–1996); first Congo War (1996–1997); Great War of Africa (1998–2003), where 6 million were killed; and the Kosovo War (1998–1999). Their driving force was nationalism, undoubtedly, some found themselves the key. For Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma (Myanmar) her choice in the three-tiered political identity was the nation for which she gave up her family and all the global ideals in the beginning of her career: human rights, democracy, and individual freedom.

Aung San Suu Kyi’s defensive denial of the Rohingya massacre: A rhetorical analysis of denial and positive-image construction

In December 2019, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) accused the Myanmar government of genocide against Rohingya Muslims. Represented by Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar authorities denied such accusations. To understand how a political leader can deny ingroup wrongdoings, we unpacked Suu Kyi’s ICJ speech and analyzed her defensive rhetorical style through critical narrative analysis. We aimed to identify and describe the denial strategies Suu Kyi used as well as how she maintained a positive ingroup image to support her position. Our findings showed that Suu Kyi engaged in interpretative denial of genocide by arguing that genocide cannot occur when there is armed conflict, that there were victims and perpetrators on both sides, and that misconducts by law enforcement had been addressed. To maintain the ingroup’s positive image, she portrayed Myanmar as moral by emphasizing the government’s knowledge of ethical standards and laws, as well as their support for peace and justice. By examining political discourse used by a national leader internationally renowned for supporting human rights, our findings shed light on the dynamic, constructive nature of denial. Theoretical and applied contributions to understanding denial of ingroup wrongdoing are discussed.

The Lady dan Wajah Politik Negara Myanmar

Melalui film, framing akan suatu peristiwa, tokoh, sejarah, maupun masa depan dapat diciptakan. The Lady adalah salah satu film yang mempertontonkan framing positif akan seorang tokoh tanpa cacat dan kultus walaupun pada kenyataannya tidak seperti itu. Aung San Suu Kyi adalah tokoh nyata yang difilmkan dalam film The Lady dengan menceritakan dirinya yang pro demokrasi dan anti kekerasan. Jurnal ini menggunakan teori konstruktivisme untuk menganalisa framing yang ada dalam suatu film dapat berpengaruh sangat kuat dan liar terhadap penikmat film tersebut (baca: The Lady).