Written on the Darkest Pages of Human History, 1991–2000

2021 ◽  
pp. 130-150
Author(s):  
R. Keith Schoppa

From the standpoint of the 1990s, the twentieth century seems to have ended on especially depressing notes. Run through the catalogue of tragedy: the hopeful Oslo Accords go dead with the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin (1995); Serbian-Slovenian War (1991); Serbian-Croatian War (1991–1995); Bosnian War (1992–1996); first Congo War (1996–1997); Great War of Africa (1998–2003), where 6 million were killed; and the Kosovo War (1998–1999). Their driving force was nationalism, undoubtedly, some found themselves the key. For Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma (Myanmar) her choice in the three-tiered political identity was the nation for which she gave up her family and all the global ideals in the beginning of her career: human rights, democracy, and individual freedom.

2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-114
Author(s):  
Yumna Khatoon

The 20th century is the aeon for the social and national liberation of the individual. Freedom is a boon and basic right of every individual’s existence. Human freedom is infringed by certain social and economic order. This research paper undertakes the task to reveal the reasons behind the pandemonium of humankind living in capitalism; the basic fact for the rise and development of socialism around the globe. This paper is divided into six parts. Part I is introduction. Part II deals with historical need to replace capitalism by socialism. Part III explores the economic decisive factors in capitalism. Part IV explores the economic decisive factors in socialism. Part V leads to threats of neo-colonialism. Part VI is conclusion. This research finally leads to the conclusion that socialism is the system for the abolition of regime of exploitation created by capitalism. It aims at transforming a just society based upon principles of equality, fraternity, democracy and fair play.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35.5 ◽  
pp. 263-283
Author(s):  
Sergey V. Perevezentsev ◽  
Olga E. Puchnina ◽  
Alexander B. Strakhov ◽  
Adelina A. Shakirova

The article is devoted to the study of Russian traditional basic values. On the basis of the traditionalist-conservative approach, the authors investigate the origin and substantial evolution of the concept of “fatherland” in the public consciousness of the Russian people. The study of a large number of various sources on Russian intellectual history allows to conclude that the concept of “fatherland” began to appear in chronicles, literary and spiritual-political monuments relatively early – already from the 10th century, but then it had the meaning of “hereditary property”, “ancestral possession”. Meanwhile, already in the 12th–17th centuries, the use of the concept «fatherland» in the meaning of “homeland”, “native land” were found sometimes, and since the 18th century the notion “Fatherland” was finally entrenched with the value content of patriotic love and service for the benefit of one's native country. In the 19th century in Russia, the notion of “love for the Fatherland” received a variety of interpretations, enriched with new meanings and contexts, but retained its significance as one of the most important social values and civic virtues. The authors of the article conclude that despite the cardinal transformations of the social, economic and political structure of Russia in the beginning of the 20th century, the concept of “Fatherland” as a value has retained its basic significance for Russian civilization, since it is a fundamental spiritual and political ideal and is directly related to the formation of political identity.


Author(s):  
Aribiah David Attoe

Most Africans are generally in sync in their communal rejection of certain perceived moral threats – in this case, allegedly ‘unnatural’ sexual orientations – as immoral and un-African. It is the truthfulness of these assumptions that I seek to question. Thus, in this essay, I question the assumption that nonheterosexuality is immoral and un-African. To do this, I attempt to isolate the traditional African outlook on alleged ‘unnatural’ sexual orientations, the communal drive towards this outlook and the implications of both for individual freedom. Specifically, I introduce what I call communal dictatorships as the driving force behind the labels usually placed on nonconformal attitudes regarding sexual behaviours and orientations. I also examine what that means for the individual and whether such labelling is philosophically justified. I shall employ the conversational method of African philosophy as the methodology of this essay.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-175
Author(s):  
Gracia Ramirez

In the beginning of April 2020, visual artist Daniel Solomons and myself, a film scholar, set out to collaborate to produce something in response to the experience of the lockdown. We departed from a set of video images recorded in London’s Liverpool Street Station in March 2019. From the distance of confinement and the stillness of the worldwide shutdown of passenger transport, the video images of the frantic movement of people in one of London’s biggest train stations had acquired a different dimension. We wrote a text to accompany the images which took as driving force the last words of Wallace Stevens’ poem ‘The House Was Quiet and the World Was Calm’ (2006). The poem evokes an image of quietness and contentment that created various contradictions with the situation that we had been thrown into. We wanted to explore the feeling of seeing mass mobility from the perspective of stillness and belonging to the past as in the present was to be avoided.


Author(s):  
Tao Li

Northeast Asia attracts researchers’ attention for its environmental, cultural, linguistic, and genetic diversity. Population migration and cultural contact both go back early in human history there. The Transeurasian (TEA) model hypothesizes about the relatedness among the Mongolic, Tungusic, Turkic, Koreanic, and Japonic languages; also, it sees farming as the driving force for the dispersal of the Proto-Transeurasian across Northeast Asia. This chapter reviews the finds of millets or rice from key archeological sites, as well as the perspectives on the beginning of millet or rice farming, in Northeast China, the Russian Far East, the Korean Peninsula, and the Japanese Archipelago. Then, focusing on evidence related to agriculture, some assumptions underlying the TEA model are examined. The conclusion is that the TEA model has both merits and weaknesses and that archeological evidence in different regions and periods supports the Transeurasian unity to varying degrees.


2006 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus V. Höhne

This paper discusses the logic of political identification by individuals and groups in the context of re-emerging state structures in northern Somalia. Current identities are analysed as political identities, which are both a product of and a driving force behind political and military conflict in the region. In everyday life political cleavages can be bridged by cross-cutting ties based on neighbourhood, intermarriage or common experiences and history. Only when conflict reaches a certain level and violence escalates, do political identities become mutually exclusive and large-scale fighting become a real threat.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Aram Ali Mustafa

Mahsharaf - Khanom became an educated and conscious person thanks to the education she received from her family and also a position that her parents and grandparents had on both sides of the parents. In Ardalan and its capital, Sanandaj, as a center for the development of culture and education, Islamic and historical, in addition to a strong base, a large group of historians and intellectuals was found that significantly influenced Mahsharaf-Khanom's thought and consciousness. Mahashraf-Khanom, by recognition of many the researchers , was the only female historian in the Middle East in the 19th century. She was the only woman in the period who, along with the author of poems, practiced Islamic studies with great ability and had writings and compositions. In the beginning of the 19th century, the Iranian authorities, in particular, influenced the Ardalanian Kurds and changed their Sunni sect to Shia al-Jaafari. When they felt resistance, they imposed their authority and took control of the government directly in the emirate. They briefly removed it from existence. The Emirate of Ardalan, as part of the South - East Kurdistan, in addition to it was formed in areas, which later became under the control of the Emirate of Baban for more than two centuries, and became the source of disputes and conflicts between them and it came to the occupation of the land and cities, but despite the oppression of the Occupiers of Kurdistan, especially at the end of the 18-th century and the beginning of the 19-th century, there was a strong convergence and diverse integration among the population of the both Emirates and even the ruling class. Finally, when the dyanasty of Ardalan went to fall, Mahsharaf-Khanom and a few thousand Ardalanis moved to the capital of the Emirate of Baban, where they were received with great hospitality.


ATAVISME ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-88
Author(s):  
Maimunah Maimunah

The resistance against Dutch colonialism in Indonesia was not only executed collectively such as through war but also sporadically, indirectly, and individually. The resistance against the political identity in the beginning of nineteenth centuries as represented in Pieter Elberveld (1924) by Chinese writer, Tio le Soei, shows the way Elberveld strives to resist colonial order and border as a "second class" below the Europeans. In order to destroy the colonial "rust en ordre", Elberveld uses various strategies such as claiming his resistance as Jihadfi Sablill ah (holy war), converting to Moslem and collaborating with Javanese priyayi which symbolically reflects his affiliation with the native. Meanwhile, his strategy to be called as "Toean Goesti" can be seen as his attempt to be classified as a Javanese leader. Despite the fact that Elberveld's tactics are not successful, the process to construct this self-naming portrays the variety of the colonial-subject resists the colonial rule.


Margaret Mead ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 103-123
Author(s):  
Elesha J. Coffman

When the United States dropped nuclear bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, a world ended for Margaret Mead. Suddenly, the world’s problems seemed more massive and immediate than ever before in human history. Mead turned her prodigious energies to these problems by working with dozens of organizations, many of them international and interfaith. As Mead’s circle of friends, colleagues, collaborators, and students expanded, in keeping with the expansive vision of liberal Protestantism at the midpoint of the twentieth century, her family ties frayed. Only her relationship with her daughter survived to 1950. Her relationship with Christianity hit a rough patch, too. Publicly, she spoke harshly of American churches. When asked to articulate what she believed, she did not mention God. Privately, though, a stream of spirituality still flowed, feeding her moral sensibility and forming a legacy to pass on to Catherine.


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