youth voting
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2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-331
Author(s):  
Courtney L. Juelich ◽  
Joseph A. Coll

Ranked choice voting (RCV) has become increasing popular in the United States as more cities and states begin allowing voters to rank candidates in order of preference. This change in election system has been linked to increased campaign civility and mobilization, but with little evidence suggesting these benefits lead to increased voter turnout in the general population. This study argues that RCV elections may not increase overall voting but will increase youth voting. Considering young Americans, who have become increasingly pessimistic towards politics and are also heavily reliant on mobilization for participation, this study argues that increased campaign civility and mobilization may work to offset the negative feelings and lack of political engagement that plague young Americans. Using a matched study of individual level voter turnout for seven RCV and fourteen non-RCV local elections from 2013 and 2014, we find that there is no statistical difference in voting rates between RCV and plurality cities for the general public. Yet, in line with our hypotheses, younger voters are more likely to vote in RCV cities. Further, we find that increased contact in RCV elections accounts for a larger portion of the increased voter turnout compared to perceptions of campaign civility. Findings suggest RCV acts as a positive mobilizing force for youth voting through increasing campaign contact.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-55
Author(s):  
Michael Baumtrog

In 1970 the voting age in Canada changed from 21 to 18. Since then, there have been calls to lower it further, most commonly to age 16. Against the motion, however, it has been argued that youth may lack the ability to exercise a mature and informed vote. This paper argues against that worry and shows how restricting youth from voting on the basis of a misbelief about their abilities amounts to an epistemic injustice.


Significance However, except in a few states, these panels have been slow to start restitution processes. Their existence was recently threatened by a legal challenge -- now withdrawn -- by the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), reflecting the authorities’ latest attempts to halt renewed mobilisation of the ‘#EndSARS’ movement. Impacts #EndSARS-affiliated civil society groups could prove an influential youth voting bloc in the 2023 presidential election. A new youth-based party may emerge before the 2023 polls but would struggle to dismantle the dominant two-party system. The decision by most state panels of inquiry to stop accepting new petitions will undermine public confidence in their work and findings.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (6) ◽  
pp. 719-724
Author(s):  
Courtney L. Juelich ◽  
Joseph A. Coll

Young voters make up the largest portion of the electorate but vote at the lowest rates of any age group. While scholars have studied how culture affects youth political participation, few studies have analyzed how institutional barriers affect youth voting—even though these laws have been found to affect turnout of other disadvantaged groups. Considering younger citizens are more likely to be non-habitual voters with less political knowledge, efficacy, and resources, it is possible that these laws have magnified effects for youths. This could explain why new voters, facing new restrictions to voting, are participating at lower percentages than youths of earlier cohorts. Using the 2004–2016 Current Population Survey ( N = 360,000) and the Cost of Voting Index to test the effects of restrictive electoral environments on youth turnout, we find that restrictive environments disproportionately hurt young voters by decreasing the probability they turn out by 16 percentage points, compared with older voters.


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