A Comparison of Street Gangs and Fraternities in the United States of America: Demographics, Conduct, and Criminal Justice Perception and Responses

Street gangs and university fraternities are both prevalent social institutions in the United States of America. Despite differences in classification and treatment, they share many of the same characteristics, particularly initiation rituals, the pervasiveness of drugs and alcohol, the emphasis placed on brotherhood and male bonding, and the ways in which misogynistic attitudes and violence are used to reinforce masculinity and dominance. Despite these similarities, offences ranging from misbehaviour to criminal activity by fraternity members are protected under the guise of “academic brotherhood”, and thus go largely unpunished. On the contrary, gang members, who often come from lower-class backgrounds and are over-represented in Black and Hispanic populations, are not afforded these same benefits. I will be further exploring these double standards by examining the experiences of Black Greek Letter Organizations (BGLOs) and how they are likened to ‘educated gangs’. In this paper, I will be exploring the similarities between street gangs and fraternities in the United States in terms of demographics, conduct, and the types and prevalence of criminal offending. I will also be discussing the differences in classification and response of these two institutions by both the general public and the criminal justice system. While I am not advocating for the expansion of federal gang definitions to include fraternities, there needs to be a serious conversation regarding the types of violence that we take seriously, and the ways in which race and class factor into these decisions. Keywords: gang, fraternity, sexual violence, alcohol, initiation, masculinity, Black Greek Letter Organizations

Play Hard

Chapter 3 focuses on first-generation students who fit a Play Hard geography. Although academic achievement is important for many Play Hard students, it is less of a driver in students’ lives than for those in other geographies. Students arrange their lives more around leisure, participating in high-status social venues of athletics and/or Greek Letter Organizations where they meet more peers from more affluent and continuing-generation families than those in other geographies. Most who entered a Play Hard geography participate in athletics and/or attended a private high school. The small percentage of first-generation students who make their way into a Play Hard geography includes the greatest variation of experience along gender and racialized lines. Students located in a Play Hard geography experience varying levels of comfort, often participating at a steep cost to their sense of self-esteem or enjoyment.

The Untold Stories of Black and Brown Student Experiences in Historically White Fraternities and Sororities

This chapter will highlight the experiences of underrepresented minority students who are members of majority Greek-letter organizations at two institutions of higher learning located in the Midwest. The authors will explore the reasons why students joined majority Greek-letter organizations as opposed to those associated with their ethnicity/race. In addition, peer-to-peer perceptions, sense of mattering and belonging, and interest in upward mobility within their respective organizations will be examined.

Why Latin@s Become Greek: Exploring Why Latin@s Join Latino Greek-Letter Organizations

This study explored the reasons Latin@s join Latino fraternities and Latina sororities at a university in the southwestern United States. Via a phenomenological approach, it uncovered the unique placement of Latino Greek-letter organizations and their role in the success of Latin@ students by embodying the intersectionality of academics, social interaction, accountability, community service, cultural congruency, and brotherhood/sisterhood. Findings highlight the concepts of social isolation, navigation, sense of belonging, Latino culture, and “Not Greek. Latin@ Greek.”

The Failure of the Black Greek Letter Organization

Between 1906 and 1920, eight of the most prominent Black Greek-letter organizations were established. The creation of the Black fraternity had a dual purpose. First, these organizations were established for the greater purpose of pooling the resources of African Americans in the hopes of acquiring an education. Second, these organizations were formed as an attempt by Black students to gain acceptance into American society. Black Greek-letter organizations are some of the most influential organizations in the country. Collectively, these organizations claim approximately 800,000 members, with many coming from the social elite of Black culture. Despite the great influence and vast membership that these organizations possess, the activities of the Black Greek-letter organization have included secret meetings, selective membership, and a preference for lighter-complexioned members. Moreover, the failure and shortcomings of the Black Greek-letter organization have allowed Black elites to create a separate privileged society based on snobbery and arrogance and have thus enabled these organizations to perpetuate the vicious cycle of racial prejudice and White supremacy.

“You’re Either One of Us or You’re Not”: Racial Hierarchy and Non-Black Members of Black Greek-Letter Organizations

Colleges and universities across the United States tout the importance of racial diversity, yet highly public racialized incidents persist. Historically, Black Greek-letter organizations (BGLOs) were created in the early twentieth century in response to the racism Black students experienced on college campuses. While previous literature provides evidence for the positive effects of BGLOs for Black members, less is known about if and how these effects of BGLO membership extend to non-Black members. Drawing on 34 in-depth interviews with non-Black members of BGLOs, we seek answers to three yet unasked questions: First, why do non-Blacks come to identify with BGLOs? Second, what are the responses and reactions to this identification process and experience? And finally, how does this identification relate to larger shifts in the United States’s racial hierarchy? We find that campus racial climate acts as a catalyst for BGLO membership and that BGLOs continue to serve their purpose as a necessary counter-space but that also, non-Blacks come to identify with these organizations in order to develop meaningful interracial solidarity and oppose their hostile campus climates.