The Kadazans and Sabah Politics

<p>The Kadazans - the indigenous non-Muslim tribal people of what was North Borneo under Chartered Company rule and is now Sabah, a state of Malaysia - have for the most part throughout their history been governed by others than themselves. Before European contact Muslim overlords from Brunei or the Sulu archipelago exercised a tenuous sovereignty; the London-based Chartered Company was concerned to extract wealth for shareholders and to keep the indigenes quiescent; and since the formation of Malaysia, with the covert or overt support of the federal government in Kuala Lumpur, for the greater part of the time Muslim rule has prevailed. This thesis is a detailed examination of the last quarter-of-a-century's political life in Sabah, with particular reference to the role of the Kadazan community therein. The growth of Kadazan consciousness or "nationalism" is traced, and the evolution of their political parties and fortunes. Political and socio-economic developments within the state are linked always to the federal framework within which they take place and must be understood. The author has been and is a participant-observer in the history with which he deals having been both newspaper editor and Radio Sabah commentator; back-bench M.P. in opposition and front-bench Cabinet Minister in Government; grass roots activist in villages and legal advisor to the present Government of Sabah headed by a Kadazan, Datuk Joseph Pairin Kitingan.</p>

The Kadazans and Sabah Politics

<p>The Kadazans - the indigenous non-Muslim tribal people of what was North Borneo under Chartered Company rule and is now Sabah, a state of Malaysia - have for the most part throughout their history been governed by others than themselves. Before European contact Muslim overlords from Brunei or the Sulu archipelago exercised a tenuous sovereignty; the London-based Chartered Company was concerned to extract wealth for shareholders and to keep the indigenes quiescent; and since the formation of Malaysia, with the covert or overt support of the federal government in Kuala Lumpur, for the greater part of the time Muslim rule has prevailed. This thesis is a detailed examination of the last quarter-of-a-century's political life in Sabah, with particular reference to the role of the Kadazan community therein. The growth of Kadazan consciousness or "nationalism" is traced, and the evolution of their political parties and fortunes. Political and socio-economic developments within the state are linked always to the federal framework within which they take place and must be understood. The author has been and is a participant-observer in the history with which he deals having been both newspaper editor and Radio Sabah commentator; back-bench M.P. in opposition and front-bench Cabinet Minister in Government; grass roots activist in villages and legal advisor to the present Government of Sabah headed by a Kadazan, Datuk Joseph Pairin Kitingan.</p>

Crossing Imperial Borders

The lives of a Macanese clerk, a businessman and a newspaper editor reveal the dynamic and continuous relationship between Macau and Hong Kong. Owing to the lack of exciting opportunities in the Portuguese enclave, aspiring Macanese men braved their first move to British Hong Kong in 1842, pulled by pre-existing employment, partnerships and unfulfilled dreams. The arrival of the Macanese caused a domino effect, prompting Catholic missionaries to transfer their headquarters to Hong Kong where they would set up churches and schools that catered to a growing population. As against common perceptions of Macau as a ‘prelude’ to Hong Kong’s acquisition, this chapter shows how Macanese migrants created an unprecedented meeting point between the Portuguese and British imperial spheres.

Reimagining “Defeat” in the Transnational West: John Newman Edwards, Mexican Exile, and the Confederate Experiment 2.0

Rather than surrendering to Union forces in 1865, various bands of ex-Confederates chose Mexican exile. From generals and elite politicians to rank-and-file soldiers, the majority of these “Confederados” journeyed to French-controlled Mexico to escape punishment, to tap financial opportunities, and to observe how southern society would function post-emancipation. Still others, as represented by the cavalry officer and Quixotic newspaper editor John Newman Edwards, understood the U.S. Civil War on more international terms. To these men, Mexico constituted a new, imperially subsidized laboratory to continue the Confederate Experiment and recreate a mythic version of the Old South. Although cut short by the violent death of Emperor Maximilian I, their saga reveals not only how adaptation to Confederate defeat took different forms in the immediate postbellum period, but also the extent to which conceptions of defeat and even the purpose of the Confederacy itself had never been monolithic in the first place.

Gazeta de Amsterdam: History and content analysis

One of the most interesting Spanish-language newspapers of the second half of the seventeenth century was published by a Jewish printer, David de Castro Tartas, and appeared in Amsterdam at least from 1672 and at least until 1702, allegedly with continuity, under the title Gazeta de Amsterdam. It was partially based in translations of news items from other Dutch-language newspapers of its time, but at the same time it included news items presumedly collected in Castro’s (and, in the latest years, Manuel Texeira’s) office and addressed to a community of Jewish who were born as Catholics in Portugal and Spain, emigrated to the Republic of the Netherlands due to religious tolerance. David de Castro Tartas launched another Italian-language newspaper, Gazzetta d'Amsterdam. Since new issues of both newspapers have been found recently, we propose to complete the history of Castro's activity as newspaper editor, not only printer. Using content analysis, we try to underline the importance of this Spanish (and Italian) language printer and editor in the reproduction of material translated and adapted from other newspapers and in the production of news items originally managed in his office.

South Africa, 1 January 1900

This chapter records the voices of a number of other players in the drama of the South African War, on the first day of the new century. They include interpreter Solomon Plaatje in the besieged town of Mafeking; war correspondent H. W. Nevinson besieged in Ladysmith; Lieutenant Colonel Kekewich in command of the besieged town of Kimberley. Also President Paul Kruger in Pretoria, Roger Casement, Mohandas Gandhi (later the Mahatma), novelist Olive Schreiner, and newspaper editor John Tengo Jabavu in the Eastern Cape. These people provide insights into the war from across the whole of South Africa; they include combatants, non-combatants, imperialists, anti-imperialists, Boers, British, and non-whites caught up in what was mistakenly called a ‘white man’s war’.

Nafris, Normen, Nachrichten

New Year's Eve 2015/2016 in Cologne has become a cipher for questionable behaviour by journalists. Using the example of identifying the origin of suspected criminals in reporting, this empirical study discusses key questions relating to journalistic information selection, quality standards and procedural logic. The author analyses 1075 articles from eleven daily newspapers, traces the journalists’ processes of weighing up different interests by means of qualitative guided interviews and poses the fundamental question of the ethical standards of journalistic activities. Through this book, Heike Haarhoff, who holds a doctorate in media studies and has been a newspaper editor for many years, closes a gap in the field of journalism research.

«Печатное слово приобретало все большее значение…»

The author of the article reviewed the totality of certain historical, political, general cultural factors that influenced the processes of Russian-Finnish interaction, which influenced on the processes of Russian-Finnish interaction, as well as the formation and existence of the Russian-language press in the Grand Duchy of Finland. The study of the number of selected episodes from the history of Russian-language periodicals of the late XIX – early XX centuries gives reasons to conclude that it was during this period that the printed word became increasingly important for the formation of socio-political, national-patriotic, general cultural sentiments in both Russian and Finnish society. The positions of the three reviewed periodicals are different both in their dominant ideological attitudes and in the readership. The pro-government Finnish newspaper (editor: lawyer, monarchist Ivan Bazhenov) being the official mouthpiece of the targeted nationalist russification policy of tsarism, appeals to the entire population of the Grand Duchy. The liberal “Russian voice” (editor: liberal professor Konstantin Arabazhin) advocates for the humanitarian values, the unity of nations based on common material, spiritual, cultural and legal interests; her readers are mostly Russian intelligentsia. The radical “Days of our life” (editor: member of the White movement, the poet of the “white idea” Ivan Savin), on the one hand, deny all the gains of the Russian Revolution and sharply criticize inactive “fathers-emigrants”, on the other hand, they utopianly rely on the coming consolidation of the youth “scattering” in the struggle against Bolshevism, not only in word but in deed; its addressee is Russian emigration, mainly youth.