‘Treacherous Herbert’ or Man of Honour?

The final decade of Herbert’s life was dominated by the breakdown in relations between Charles I and the English Parliament and the outbreak of civil war throughout the British Isles. Chapter 14 traces Herbert’s support for Charles’s military campaigns against the Scots and his cautious support for the king in parliamentary debate in the House of Lords in 1642 which led to his brief imprisonment. It explores his decision to avoid involvement in civil war preparations and hostilities during 1642–3 and his refusal to accept a royalist garrison for Montgomery Castle and surrender of the strategically important fortress to a parliamentary army in 1644. It examines Herbert’s political and constitutional views and considers to what extent he genuinely supported the political agenda of either king or Parliament and whether his behaviour was typical of the nobility. It presents his perceived treachery within its wider political context, places him among the growing number of noblemen who switched their allegiance to Parliament during 1644 and 1645, and acknowledges his success in convincing Parliament of his loyalty and securing repossession of Montgomery Castle. It examines Herbert’s continuing commitment to writing and publishing academic treatises and considers the purpose of his autobiography and Latin advice poem. It explores Herbert’s declining health, parliamentary attendance, visit to Paris, and relations with friends and family during his final years and ends with his much discussed deathbed drama in August 1648.

The Use of Land Value Taxation In New Zealand (1891 - 1991)

<p>This thesis examines the historical use of land value taxation by the New Zealand government over the period 1891 – 1991. The study adopts qualitative research methods to explore how land taxation policy progressed over the century and what were the relevant influences on policy direction. The primary aim of the study is to examine how the land value tax policy used in New Zealand developed over time, what drove changes to it and, ultimately, why it was abolished. To this end the study adopts a historical institutionalist framework to analyse the influence of institutional factors on the development of land tax policy. Particular attention is paid to the influence of ideas, path dependency, critical junctures and power. The research itself is an interpretive narrative history, primarily drawing from historical document sources including government records and publications, legislation, parliamentary debate records, court records and media coverage. By addressing this topic, this research informs future debate as to the suitability of land taxation for use as a tool to influence the property market or as a method of wealth taxation. In addition it offers an explanation as to how methods of taxation can become obsolete and eventually be abolished, in a New Zealand context.</p>

The Use of Land Value Taxation In New Zealand (1891 - 1991)

<p>This thesis examines the historical use of land value taxation by the New Zealand government over the period 1891 – 1991. The study adopts qualitative research methods to explore how land taxation policy progressed over the century and what were the relevant influences on policy direction. The primary aim of the study is to examine how the land value tax policy used in New Zealand developed over time, what drove changes to it and, ultimately, why it was abolished. To this end the study adopts a historical institutionalist framework to analyse the influence of institutional factors on the development of land tax policy. Particular attention is paid to the influence of ideas, path dependency, critical junctures and power. The research itself is an interpretive narrative history, primarily drawing from historical document sources including government records and publications, legislation, parliamentary debate records, court records and media coverage. By addressing this topic, this research informs future debate as to the suitability of land taxation for use as a tool to influence the property market or as a method of wealth taxation. In addition it offers an explanation as to how methods of taxation can become obsolete and eventually be abolished, in a New Zealand context.</p>

Political Economy of Conquest

By the final decade of the eighteenth century, the political economy of conquest had crystalized into a distinctively recognizable modern form. Expanded scale of war-making created a need to surveil the financial operations of the colonial state. The changing valence of ‘corruption’ came to include a growing insistence on eliminating leakages from the financial flows that enabled conquest. Corruption was not merely a moral scourge but a structural flaw, which if left unresolved would drain the war-making capability of the early colonial regime. Financial accounts of the East India Company therefore had to be rendered legible to public scrutiny and parliamentary debate in the form of an annual India Budget. Colonial conquest captured the cultural imagination of metropolitan Britain – from painting and the Georgian stage to a new graphic scheme of statistical visualization – all sought to comprehend Britain’s territorial empire in South Asia. The growing appetite for war was fed by territorial conquest on an ever-expanding scale and transformed colonial warfare into the most fiscally impactful activity. An entire infrastructure of financial surveillance had to be created to organize warfare and conquest more efficiently. This edifice of control and scrutiny rested upon a growing appetite for reliable information about the financial health of the Indian empire and forecasting the dividends of territorial conquest.

Uniting the Nation through Transcending Menstrual Blood: The Period Products Act in Historical Perspective

This article sets the Period Products (Free Provision) (Scotland) (2021) Act in the context of historical imaginations both of menstruation and of the nation. It identifies the following underlying assumptions about menstruation in the parliamentary debates of the Act: (1) that menstruating is a stigma, (2) that menstruators are always the others, and (3) that menstruation particularly affects those in already marginalised groups. Speaking about menstruation (4) creates a privileged, pioneering position for the speakers, and (5) forges bonds between them. The article traces the historical precursors of these assumptions in premodern and early modern humoral medicine, especially Pseudo-Albertus Magnus’ Secreta mulierum, and in modern fiction discussed in the Scottish parliament: the film I, Daniel Blake and Alasdair Gray’s novel Poor Things. The parliamentary debates also imagine the nation as a collective body which is united by a shared blood and which at the same time transcends blood, in this case menstrual blood. This is part of a historical pattern of similar imaginations of the Scottish nation in relation to blood. The article demonstrates how this conception of menstruation and the nation functions not only in the parliamentary debate, but also in a sample of Scottish writing and thought from the Middle Ages to today.

Modified British Parliamentary Debate Technique in Teaching Speaking to Indonesian EFL Learners

For English language learners, speaking is an essential skill that should be achieved. By practicing continuously, they can become trained and skilled. To support their proficiencies and competencies, they also should master the language subskills: pronunciation, structure, and vocabulary. The teachers, therefore, should facilitate their students by applying appropriate techniques of language learning in the classroom so that their students can speak English quickly. Through this study, the researchers managed an effective teaching technique for speaking class by implementing a modified British Parliamentary Debate to train the students' speaking skills. This study, therefore, projected to find out whether or not the use of the Modified British Parliamentary Debate technique in teaching speaking can increase their speaking skill. This study also aims to determine whether or not the students are interested in learning to speak through the modified British parliamentary debate. The study applied the quasi-experimental method with a nonequivalent control group design. The subjects of the study were students of Madrasah Aliyah Negeri Enrekang, Indonesia. The population of the research was 64 students. The researchers grouped the students into two groups. There were 32 students in group one and 32 students in group two. The researchers assigned both groups to the same activities in pretest and posttests but different treatments of teaching techniques. The researchers gave a modified British parliamentary debate model for the experimental group and a small group discussion for the control one. The instruments of the research were an oral speaking test and a questionnaire. The results of data analysis exhibited a significant improvement in the students' speaking skills after the treatments. The result of hypothesis testing showed that the t-test value (2.087) was higher than the t-table value (2.000) at the level of significance 0.05 and the degree of freedom 62. Moreover, based on the questionnaire, this study found that the students were interested in learning the speaking skill through modified British Parliamentary debate. In short, implementing the modified British parliamentary debate in teaching speaking can develop the students' speaking skills and encourage the students to learn speaking ability.

When in parliamentary debate there is no debate

On the 1st October 2017 an independence referendum was organised in Catalonia. The aim of this paper is to analyse the nature of the political debate going on in the Catalan Parliament during the whole process by focusing on the kind of argumentation strategies that were used by each of the leanings to legitimise their political decisions. We do that relying on a methodological distinction that differentiates between sound argumentation and fallacious argumentation. By using a Critical Discourse Analysis approach, this study offers a wide picture of the kind of argumentation used by the main political actors involved in the process of decision making in Catalonia. The results show that there is more emphasis in antagonising with the others, than engaging in sound argument exchange that could facilitate minimal points of consensus. Such results may help explain why the Catalan conflict is still unsolved at the political level.

Argentina

This chapter explores the institutional setting and identifies the critical determinants of parliamentary speechgiving in the Argentine Chamber of Deputies between 2001 and 2016. We understand and describe access to the parliamentary floor as a complex interplay between formal and informal regulations, which govern the distribution of floor time as a scarce resource between, and its allocation within, political parties. The empirical analysis combines textual data on plenary session speeches with both individual and institutional characteristics of over 1000 Argentine MPs. The analysis results indicate that participation in parliamentary debate is driven by a combination of individual traits such as seniority and MPs’ ability to hold institutionally powerful leadership positions such as that of the parliamentary bloc. At the same time, we observe that the government–opposition divide plays no significant role in parliamentary floor access, which speaks to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies’ general characterization as a consensual institution.