‘Treacherous Herbert’ or Man of Honour?

2021 ◽  
pp. 311-337
Author(s):  
Christine Jackson
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Isles ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Military Campaigns

The final decade of Herbert’s life was dominated by the breakdown in relations between Charles I and the English Parliament and the outbreak of civil war throughout the British Isles. Chapter 14 traces Herbert’s support for Charles’s military campaigns against the Scots and his cautious support for the king in parliamentary debate in the House of Lords in 1642 which led to his brief imprisonment. It explores his decision to avoid involvement in civil war preparations and hostilities during 1642–3 and his refusal to accept a royalist garrison for Montgomery Castle and surrender of the strategically important fortress to a parliamentary army in 1644. It examines Herbert’s political and constitutional views and considers to what extent he genuinely supported the political agenda of either king or Parliament and whether his behaviour was typical of the nobility. It presents his perceived treachery within its wider political context, places him among the growing number of noblemen who switched their allegiance to Parliament during 1644 and 1645, and acknowledges his success in convincing Parliament of his loyalty and securing repossession of Montgomery Castle. It examines Herbert’s continuing commitment to writing and publishing academic treatises and considers the purpose of his autobiography and Latin advice poem. It explores Herbert’s declining health, parliamentary attendance, visit to Paris, and relations with friends and family during his final years and ends with his much discussed deathbed drama in August 1648.

The Elements of British Technological Competitiveness

1987 ◽  
Vol 122 ◽  
pp. 72-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Patel ◽  
K. Pavitt
Keyword(s):  
Research And Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Foreign Competition ◽  
R And D ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The Government ◽  
Technological Competitiveness

In this election year of 1987 the state of Britain's technology has remained high on the political agenda. Following the critical report from the House of Lords on civil research and development (1986), the government recently announced changes in its machinery and priorities and expressed concern about British industry's (lack of) funding of R and D compared to the main sources of foreign competition (see HM Government, 1987).

scholarly journals LYNCHNING: EN SVØBE FOR MENNESKEHEDEN

2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
Finn Stepputat
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
National Security ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mob Violence ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Violent Conflicts ◽  
Self Defence

The article explores the phenomenon of mob violence in predominatly Mayan towns in rural Guatemala. Since 1996, more than 100 people have been killed by crowds in rural towns. The victims have usually been young men accused of often minor criminal acts, or representatives of the state trying to protect the victims. The occurrence of mob violence coincides roughly with the area where the army organized civil self-defence patrols during the civil war from 1981-96 as part of the national security counterinsurgency program. The post-conflict transition has paradoxically brought security back to the top of the political agenda as political violence has been substituted and overshadowed by violence related to drug trafficking and other forms of criminality. The article shows how mob violence has been interpreted in the context of postconflict transformations where the elimination of violence and violent conflicts has been addressed as an object of development, and suggests that we, in addition to common sociological interpretations, may understand lynchings as an exclusive practice of communal sovereignty within a transnational political field of politics of in/security.  

A New Sion? Reform, Rebellion, and Colonization c. 1625–1640

The Puritans ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 206-251
Author(s):  
David D. Hall
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
British History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Unique Event ◽  
Sequence Of Events ◽  
Politics Of Religion ◽  
History Of ◽  
Civil Politics ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter studies how, in the aftermath of his failure to subdue the Scottish insurgency by military means, Charles I authorized the election of two new parliaments. Its policies were so at odds with Charles I's understanding of monarchy and the true church that the outcome was civil war in England between supporters of the king and supporters of Parliament. Explaining this sequence of events tests every historian of 1630s and 1640s Britain. The puzzles are many. In the context of this book, the most significant of these is the relationship between civil politics and the politics of religion. Intertwined throughout the history of the English and Scottish reformations, their relationship tightened in the practice and rhetoric of Charles I and the party he favored, here known as the Laudians. Like his immediate predecessors, the young king took for granted that opposition to his version of true religion was equivalent to challenging his authority as king. At once, the religious and the political become inseparable. Before 1640, the political and the religious in Scotland had also become intertwined, but in a quite different manner. There, it was being argued that a monarch's policies were corrupting a perfect church. And there a unique event in British history unfolded.

5. The Revolution in power (1914–1920)

2016 ◽  
pp. 55-74
Author(s):  
Alan Knight
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Personnel Policy ◽  
The Revolution

The rebel leaders of 1914 purged opponents and imposed their will by force. This new radicalism had three dimensions: personnel, policy, and practice. ‘The Revolution in power’ describes the two crucial and related issues that now occupied the political agenda: could the victorious rebels—Villa, Zapata, Carranza, and Obregón—agree, first, on a common programme and, second, on a common government which would enact it? The final big bout of civil war ran from 1914 to 1915 with the winner being Carranza due to the superior generalship of the supporting Obregón and the Carrancista. The challenges and responses of the Carranza government and the 1917 Constitution are also described.

Office under Queen Elizabeth: the Case of Lord Hunsdon and the Lord Chamberlainship in 1585

1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Stone
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
English Civil War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Small Minority ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Political Evolution ◽  
The Social ◽  
Economic Advancement ◽  
Stuart England ◽  
Similar Letter

In recent years considerable attention has been focused on the role played by the Court and government office in the social and political evolution of Elizabethan and Early Stuart England. Professor Trevor-Roper has treated office under the Crown as a smooth highroad to economic advancement, one of the principal causes of such rise of the gentry as may have occurred. According to this view, the political antecedents of the English Civil War are best interpreted in terms of the polarities of Court and Country: it was reaction against an overgrown and corruptly lucrative Court that inspired the opposition in 1640; it was desire to dismantle the whole centralizing apparatus which inspired the policy of the Independents in the late 1640s and the 1650s. Others, including Professor Aylmer and myself, have subjected officialdom to detailed inspection and have concluded that its rewards were usually modest, especially under Elizabeth and Charles I, its personnel was restricted in numbers, and its more spectacular beneficiaries were a very small minority. The recently published letter of Sir Edward Stanhope to Thomas Viscount Wentworth, advising him to refuse the Deputyship of Ireland in 1631, has cast a flood of light on contemporary attitudes towards the acceptance of at least one high office. Forty-six years before, when Henry Carey, 1st Earl of Hunsdon, was offered the Lord Chamberlainship of the Royal Household, he received a similar letter of warning from a close follower.

Usurpation, Obligation and Obedience in the Thought of the Engagement Controversy

1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 515-536 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glenn Burgess
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Charles I ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
New Republic ◽  
Council Of State

Some time soon after the execution of Charles I, the new rulers of England began seriously to consider imposing an oath of loyalty to the new republic. On 22 February the Council of State were directed to take an ‘Engagement’ to the regime, and for the rest of 1649 there were periodic suggestions to extend this Engagement to wider sections of the political nation, and especially to office holders. Finally, on 2 January 1650, the Rump decided that all men over the age of 18 would take an Engagement, of the form I do declare and promise, that I will be true and faithful to the Commonwealth of England, as it is now established, without a King or House of Lords

scholarly journals Putting Surveillance on the Political Agenda – A Short Defence of Surveillance, Citizens and the State

2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 408-413
Author(s):  
Charles D. Raab ◽  
Benjamin J. Goold
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
House Of Lords

In February 2009 the House of Lords Constitutional Committee in the United Kingdom published the report Surveillance: Citizens and the State. Some have hailed this as a landmark document. Volume 6(3) of Surveillance & Society published 4 invited responses to this report written by prominent scholars. In the contribution below the two Specialist Advisers to this committee set the context for the report and provide a brief rejoinder to the four responses.

1645

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret J. M. Ezell
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Autobiographical Writing ◽  
Literary Responses ◽  
Charles I

This section describes context of the political and military events of the changing balance of power in the Civil War as Charles I lost control to Cromwell, Parliament, and the Puritans. It explores the royalist literary responses, the effects the war on booksellers and the theatres, the Puritan models of polemical and autobiographical writing, and the proliferation of newsbooks. Although the London theatres were officially closed, dramatic performances continued, some clandestine others in alternative venues, with the publication of play texts and volumes of verse by royalist poets ensuring they remained visible.

Scotland, Ireland and the English Civil War

1975 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-130
Author(s):  
Charles L. Hamilton
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
English Civil War ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presbyterian Church ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Scottish Parliament ◽  
Northern Kingdom ◽  
The Church ◽  
Church Government

Historical orthodoxy has long recognized the fervent belief of the Scottish Covenanters that their successful revolution against Charles I “stood or fell” with that of their brethren in England. Although by the end of 1641 the Godly Party in the northern kingdom had temporarily destroyed the foundations of Stuart government, many of the King's Scottish opponents no more trusted Charles to accept a permanent curtailment of his power than did their English counterparts. Should the King triumph over his enemies in London, it was assumed that backed by the power of a still episcopal England he would quickly attack the revived presbyterian establishment in Scotland. Concurrently, the political revolution—completed in the Scottish Parliament in 1641—would also be reversed, for the connection betweeen the leading Covenanting politicians, led by the Marquis of Argyll, and the reformed Kirk was very close. It should be remembered that while the clerical estate was abolished in the Scottish Parliament, laymen could sit in the General Assembly and participate in the most important decisions of the Church. Indeed, the aristocratic element in the Glasgow Assembly was large and the meeting's attack on episcopacy and the five articles of Perth may in fact have reflected lay opinion more than clerical. Caroline bishops, favored in Scotland as well as in England for high political positions, were unpopular with the Covenanting nobility for whom presbyterian church government not only restored God's True Kirk but also eliminated dangerous secular rivals. To undermine presbyterianism would, therefore, remove much of the strength from the political hand which Argyll had so shrewdly played since allying with the Covenanters in the Glasgow Assembly.

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