Negation as a predictor of clausal complement choice in World Englishes

Research on complementizer selection has shown that the presence of a negative particle in a subordinate complement clause influences complement choice, leading to a relatively higher proportion of finite complementation patterns by increasing the complexity of the syntactic environment. Studies have also shown that different types of negation, namely not- and no-negation, increase the tendency towards more explicit complementation options (Rohdenburg 2015). The current study focuses on the effect of not- and no-negation on the complementation profile of the verb regret, which allows variation between finite that/zero-complement clauses and nonfinite (S) -ing clauses. The GloWbE corpus was used to create a data set of more than 4,000 examples from 16 varieties of English. The results of the analysis support previous findings that the presence of a negative marker in the complement clause increases the preference for finite patterns, especially in L2 varieties of English. However, contrary to the expectations of this study, no-negation was found to have a stronger effect on complement choice than not-negation.

Nobody Doesn’t Like Negative Concord

Languages vary with respect to whether sentences with two negative elements give rise to double negation or negative concord meanings. We explore an influential hypothesis about what governs this variation: namely, that whether a language exhibits double negation or negative concord is partly determined by the phonological and syntactic nature of its negative marker (Zeijlstra 2004; Jespersen 1917). For example, one version of this hypothesis argues that languages with affixal negation must be negative concord (Zeijlstra 2008). We use an artificial language learning experiment to investigate whether English speakers are sensitive to the status of the negative marker when learning double negation and negative concord languages. Our findings fail to provide evidence supporting this hypothesised connection. Instead, our results suggest that learners find it easier to learn negative concord languages compared to double negation languages independently of whether the negative marker is an adverb or an affix. This is in line with evidence from natural language acquisition (Thornton et al. 2016).

Polarity Items in Basque

This paper presents the results of an experimental investigation that looks into the acceptability and interpretation judgements that Basque native speakers give to sentences with multiple i-/bat ere indefinites in declarative sentences. It is argued that Basque i-/bat ere indefinites are Polarity Items (PIs) rather than Negative Concord Items (NCIs), as they are consistently associated with an existential reading in unacceptable declarative sentences without an overt negative licensor. That is, Basque i-/bat ere indefinites never give rise to a negative interpretation in the absence of an overt negative marker. It is also argued that Basque PIs differ from NCIs in Strict Negative Concord languages such as Greek in relevant ways, thus reinforcing the conclusion that Basque is not a NC language. This study contributes to a better understanding of the conditions that an indefinite expression must meet to be classified as a PI or as an NCI.

Feature reanalysis and the Latin origin of Romance Negative Concord

This chapter investigates the sequence of changes leading from the Latin system of negation to the various Romance outcomes. While Classical Latin is a Double Negation language, the earliest Romance varieties show a Negative Concord grammar. In the proposed analysis, this seemingly paradoxical development is explained by situating the prerequisites for Negative Concord already at the Late Latin stage. In Late Latin, a featural and structural reanalysis of the negative marker entails the activation of a projection in the clause where sentential negation has to be identified. This, in turn, triggers the grammaticalization of new negatively marked indefinites licensed in the scope of negation. These indefinites establish a syntactic relation first with the Focus Phrase (as negation strengtheners) and subsequently with the Negation Phrase, yielding a Negative Concord system. This study highlights the importance of generative research on the nature and format of syntactic features for our understanding of diachrony.

Morphophonological variation in Norwegian negative marker enclisis

The study looks at 4 variants of negative clitics in Norwegian, how frequently they are used and which types of verbs they combine with. Using corpora of spoken Norwegian, we look at how diffierent variants of the negative clitics vary in frequency of use and how each variant is constrained by the form of the verbs they cliticize to. In particular, we look at the preceding vowel interact with the negative clitic and how this interaction relates to the previous literature on Norwegian negative clitics.

Exploring negation in Awing

Negation is a universal category and languages differ in many respects in the way they express the latter (see Klima 1964). In this regards, some languages express sentential negation (a subcategorization of negation) with one marker (Dutch, German, English, etc.) while others like French uses two markers. Alongside markers used to express sentential negation, other items, among which Negative Polarity Items, mark negation and tight a particular element within its domain. In this paper, I aim at providing a picture of the expression of negation in Awing (a Bantu Grassfield langue of the Ngemba Group spoken in the North West region of Cameroon). Accordingly, sentential negation is expressed with two discontinuous markers kě…pô. One fact important to the presence of this negative marker is the movement of postverbal elements to a preverbal position turning the SVO structure in non-negative clause to an SOV pattern in negative clauses. In addition, the study describes other negative elements and negation subcategories. In last, the study of negative concord reveals that Awing belongs to the group of Strict Negative Concord (SNC) languages in which n-words must co-occur with negative marker to yield negation.

Cell Wall Composition as a Marker of the Reprogramming of the Cell Fate on the Example of a Daucus carota (L.) Hypocotyl in Which Somatic Embryogenesis Was Induced

Changes in the composition of the cell walls are postulated to accompany changes in the cell’s fate. We check whether there is a relationship between the presence of selected pectic, arabinogalactan proteins (AGPs), and extensins epitopes and changes in cell reprogramming in order to answer the question of whether they can be markers accompanying changes of cell fate. Selected antibodies were used for spatio-temporal immunolocalization of wall components during the induction of somatic embryogenesis. Based on the obtained results, it can be concluded that (1) the LM6 (pectic), LM2 (AGPs) epitopes are positive markers, but the LM5, LM19 (pectic), JIM8, JIM13 (AGPs) epitopes are negative markers of cells reprogramming to the meristematic/pluripotent state; (2) the LM8 (pectic), JIM8, JIM13, LM2 (AGPs) and JIM11 (extensin) epitopes are positive markers, but LM6 (pectic) epitope is negative marker of cells undergoing detachment; (3) JIM4 (AGPs) is a positive marker, but LM5 (pectic), JIM8, JIM13, LM2 (AGPs) are negative markers for pericycle cells on the xylem pole; (4) LM19, LM20 (pectic), JIM13, LM2 (AGPs) are constitutive wall components, but LM6, LM8 (pectic), JIM4, JIM8, JIM16 (AGPs), JIM11, JIM12 and JIM20 (extensins) are not constitutive wall components; (5) the extensins do not contribute to the cell reprogramming.