Bring us Together

Chapter Ten begins with Election Day, explaining the results and their meaning for the future of American politics. It also traces the careers of the candidates beyond the election, considering them as different streams of political thought and style. President-elect Nixon spoke of unifying the nation, but his presidency further divided the American people and deepened their alienation. The 1968 election thus helps explain the years that followed, with Ronald Reagan’s rise in 1980 highlighting an era of conservative dominance of presidential politics.

His Own Man

Chapter Seven charts the turbulent Democratic National Convention through the experience of Hubert Humphrey, the onetime champion of American liberalism. In Chicago, the Democratic Party came apart on national television: delegates feuded on the convention floor, peaceniks caused trouble on the streets of Chicago, and police employed wanton violence in the name of “law and order.” Humphrey emerged with the nomination, thanks to the loyal party machinery, but the Democrats appeared doomed. Humphrey bore much of the responsibility: he chose a safe nomination by letting Lyndon Johnson dictate the party plank on Vietnam. His weakness intensified the displeasure of the party’s liberal anti-war wing, and neither Humphrey nor the Democratic Party ever fully recovered.

Down to the Nut-Cutting

Chapter Nine chronicles the final stages of the general election. It features the October comeback of Hubert Humphrey, who finally cast off Johnson’s shadow and articulated his own policy on Vietnam. His exuberant spirit now seemed appealing next to Nixon’s calculated style. Johnson’s last-minute announcement of a bombing halt in Vietnam further stoked liberals’ hopes of a Humphrey victory. But Nixon won for a variety of reasons: a shrewd positioning to exploit resentments against the liberal state, a groundbreaking use of television, and a win-at-all-costs mentality. The chapter ends with the “Chennault Affair,” the Nixon campaign’s diplomatic intrigue that derailed the peace negotiations for Vietnam.

The Little Man

Chapter Eight explores the phenomenon of George Wallace. In September, his third-party candidacy surged in the polls and stoked fears about the entire political system. His popularity revealed the surfacing resentment among white working-class voters, even beyond the South. Would he prevent the major candidates from winning an electoral majority, throwing the nation’s fate to the House of Representatives? Wallace aroused political demons that keep plaguing the nation, and his own campaign faltered in the homestretch.

Favorite Son

Chapter Six covers the Republican National Convention in Miami, concentrating on the behind-the-scenes campaign of Ronald Reagan. The new governor of California communicated the principles of the New Right in a more genial, telegenic way than the disastrous 1964 nominee, Barry Goldwater. Conservative delegates at the convention adored Reagan. But thanks to a deal with South Carolina Senator Strom Thurmond, Nixon held off a last-minute defection of southern delegates, ensuring his nomination. His vice-presidential selection of Spiro Agnew further signaled the Republican’s emerging base in the suburbs and New South.

Man of the Family

Chapter Five follows the halting, inspiring, and ultimately heartbreaking campaign of Robert F. Kennedy. Especially among poor minorities, he had a particular magnetism – at once shy, boyish, and tough. As part of his own evolution, he found himself most comfortable in black inner cities, on Indian reservations, or among striking Chicano workers. Yet the former Attorney General also preached “law-and-order,” winning cheers from white working class audiences. His assassination in the immediate aftermath of his California primary victory stained an already-marred year, with deep effects on the electorate’s moods and the candidates’ fortunes.

Act II Man

Chapter Three explores the quixotic campaign of Eugene McCarthy, with a particular focus on the first primary in New Hampshire, when he surprised the nation with a good showing, helping to drive out Johnson. Student volunteers flocked to help his campaign, illustrating how portions of the Baby Boomer generation were altering the political landscape. Yet McCarthy – a former professor and poet – was an indifferent campaigner with little appeal to a broader Democratic coalition.

The People’s Billionaire

Chapter Four begins with Nelson Rockefeller’s March 1968 announcement that he would not run for president. The ultra-rich, larger-than-life governor of New York had supported George Romney as the representative of the moderate Republicans, but the Michigan governor issued a disastrous remark that he had been “brainwashed” about the Vietnam War. In April, Rockefeller injected himself back into the fold. This chapter paints the progressive Republican’s energetic and popular campaign, even as most rank-and-file Republicans sought more conservative alternatives.

Hound Bitch in Heat

Chapter One revolves around President Lyndon Johnson in the winter of 1968. He delivers the State of the Union speech and fails to inspire the American people. He weathers criticism from both the Right and Left over the Great Society. He endures a “credibility gap” over the Vietnam War, and the Tet Offensive stirs mainstream doubts about the war. The chapter ends with his March announcement that he will not run for re-election.

The Loser

Chapter Two charts the political odyssey of Richard Nixon through the primary season in the spring of 1968. It traces how he consciously tacks between the moderate wing of the Republican Party and right-wing grassroots politics. After getting labelled a political “loser,” he crafts a comeback over the course of the mid-1960s, positioning himself as the inevitable nominee in 1968. His campaign thrives as it plays on voter anxieties about urban disorder at home, and the Vietnam War abroad.