scholarly journals The political challenge of realizing the right to health

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-27
Author(s):  
Lauren Paremoer
Author(s):  
Gorik Ooms ◽  
Rachel Hammonds

This chapter explores the future of multilateral funding to realize the right to health by exploring two options: a single Global Fund for Health or international assistance for health through only bilateral arrangements. This analysis first examines a Global Fund for Health, based on Article 2(1) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, guidance provided by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and features of the existing Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. The chapter then examines the alternative option, comparing the likely qualities of both options in terms of being aligned with national priorities (if appropriately set), additional (i.e., incentivizing domestic mobilization of financial resources), reliable in the long run, coordinated, and sufficient. The chapter concludes by analyzing the political feasibility of both options.


2007 ◽  
Vol 15 (spe) ◽  
pp. 850-856 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liliana Angel Vargas ◽  
Thaís Fonseca Veloso de Oliveira ◽  
Júlia Arêas Garbois

This article is a theoretical reflection on the trajectory of the right to health and to the environment in the political Brazilian scenario and in the health sector. It aims to discuss the possibilities of these rights to be effectively guaranteed, out of the rhetorical sphere, in order to structure a fairer and healthier society. We observed that the Brazilian scenario evidences that the complex problems associated to the environmental and health injustices are materialized in social exclusion and environmental degradation, compromising these rights. We concluded that the assurance of these rights is linked to the possibilities of a collective achievement of the Brazilian society, to which Nursing can provide an important contribution.


2002 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Candace Johnson Redden

The political importance of rights in liberal democracies, and of universally accessible health care in Canada, are trite observations. However, the increasing use of the language of rights to defend existing patterns of health care in Canada is a curious if not alarming phenomenon. What do citizens mean when they say that they have the right to health care? How can health care rights be defined philosophically and politically? This article examines the increasing popularity of rights claiming for health care, and argues that the ''right to health care'' has a non-possessive, normative nature that is at odds with legalistic individualistic rights claiming. This is a significant philosophical finding, one that informs the political debate over health care by revealing that legal rights claims are not sufficient to defend social entitlements. The conceptual project undertaken in this article illuminates directions of reform and suggests that differentiated citizenship provides a better model than legal rights to guide reform efforts.


Author(s):  
E. G. SOLOVYEV

In face of the relative success of the right and left populists, among  representatives of the intellectual elite on the West arose a  conviction – in order to restore the liberal order and prevent the final victory of populists, traditional parties will have to make not  only rebranding. They must develop policies through which  globalization can serve the middle and working class. In fact, the  problem is even wider than the opposition to the right and left populists. The transformation of party systems takes place in the  context of the effects of globalization, generating new lines of  social tensions and divisions in society (including “globalized elite” –  “anti-globalistminded masses” opposition); under framework of  democracy deficit, when a significant part of the electorate of  developed Western countries clearly realizes that they “can change  the government, but not the policy” and from time to time under the influence of situational factors involve in the “protest voting”, in  support of alternative to political establishment political forces; in the context of fragmentation of the political field due to the crisis  of “Grand ideological narratives” and the appearance of so called  “molecular ideologies” and “one question” parties. Entering the  political arena in a number of countries of the far right and far left  forces is rather situational, but it becomes a consequence of the  current crisis trends – the migration crisis, terrorism, economic  recession. The rise of populist parties of all kinds (right, left, right- left) has its limits. But the process of party systems adaptation to a  new type of conflict between the globalized postmodern elites and  the majority of “nationalized” citizens of national states is only  developing now (both in developed and developing countries). The  question is in which degree the party and political systems of  different countries are ready to it and how the modern political elites  are flexible and adaptive to a new political challenge.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 227-251
Author(s):  
Rico Mardiansyah

The right to health is widely recognized as basic human rights and consequently it is the state’s duty to guarantee its fulfilment.  The Indonesian government, in realization of this duty, develops and put in place a national health care (insurance) system, which successful working depend on citizens paying equal amount of the premium needed to sustain this public health care system.  However, the same state, in the context of social justice and welfare, provide poor citizens with monetary aid. This article discusses, by using a juridical normative approach, supplemented by an inter-multi disciplinary approach, the political dynamics underpinnings influencing the social or health care system’s implementation.


Author(s):  
Luciana Souza d’Ávila ◽  
Eli Iola Gurgel Andrade ◽  
Fernando Mussa Abujamra Aith

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las consecuencias políticas e institucionales de la judicialización de la salud en Brasil y Colombia. Para esto, se realizó una revisión de la literatura, basada en referencias relacionadas con las políticas en salud y judicialización de los países. La salud es un derecho reconocido en Brasil y en Colombia, mas hay diferencias entre los sistemas de salud y jurídicos. Los problemas de acceso han provocado el aumento de las acciones judiciales, lo que lleva a efectos políticos e institucionales. En Brasil, fueron realizadas audiencias públicas; conformados grupos de interés y creadas nuevas instituciones en el poder executivo y en el judiciario. En Colombia, fueron instituidas políticas y reformas estructurales importantes. Se espera que los resultados contribuyan para las discusiones de las políticas y judicialización, con vistas a buscarse la efectuación de lo derecho a la salud en los dos países.   This paper aims to analyze the political and institutional consequences of the judicialization of health in Brazil and Colombia. For that, it was accomplished a literature review, based on references in health policies and judicialization in both countries. Health is a right recognized in Brazil and in Colombia, but there are differences between the health and juridical systems. Problems of access has induced growth of judicial processes, what lead to political and institutional effects. In Brazil, it was fulfilled public audiences; shaped interests groups and created new institutions in executive and judiciary branches. In Colombia, it was instituted policies and structural reforms. We hope that the results contribute to the discussions about policies, judicialization and the search for the right to health in the countries.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


Author(s):  
Daniel A. Dombrowski

In this work two key theses are defended: political liberalism is a processual (rather than a static) view and process thinkers should be political liberals. Three major figures are considered (Rawls, Whitehead, Hartshorne) in the effort to show the superiority of political liberalism to its illiberal alternatives on the political right and left. Further, a politically liberal stance regarding nonhuman animals and the environment is articulated. It is typical for debates in political philosophy to be adrift regarding the concept of method, but from start to finish this book relies on the processual method of reflective equilibrium or dialectic at its best. This is the first extended effort to argue for both political liberalism as a process-oriented view and process philosophy/theology as a politically liberal view. It is also a timely defense of political liberalism against illiberal tendencies on both the right and the left.


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