Social capital and power: Entrepreneurial elite and the state in contemporary China

Author(s):  
Zhou Yongming
2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey L. Jordan ◽  
Bulent Anil ◽  
Abdul Munasib

While a substantial amount of research has been devoted to showing what social capital does, research explaining social capital itself lags behind. The literature has a long tradition of examining the effect of social capital on local economic growth and development. In this paper we examine whether local economic development can explain the variation in social capital across various geographical clusters in the state of Georgia. We begin by devising a measurement tool, a Human Development Index (HDI), to measure community development. Our social capital measure includes associational memberships, voluntary activities, and philanthropy obtained from the Georgia Social Capital Survey. The findings show that even after accounting for various demographic and economic characteristics, the HDI explains the variation in a number of social capital levels (especially those measured by associational involvement) across various geographical clusters in the state of Georgia.


Modern China ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 564-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jifeng Liu ◽  
Chris White

In examining the relationships between a state-recognized Protestant pastor and local bureaucrats, this article argues that church leaders in contemporary China are strategic in enhancing interactions with the local state as a way to produce greater space for religious activities. In contrast to the idea that the Three-Self church structure simply functions as a state-governing apparatus, this study suggests that closer connection to the state can, at times, result in less official oversight. State approval of Three-Self churches offers legitimacy to registered congregations and their leaders, but equally important is that by endorsing such groups, the state is encouraging dialogue, even negotiations between authorities and the church at local levels.


2020 ◽  
pp. 100-105
Author(s):  
Tetiana Ruda

Purpose. The aim of the article is research of the peculiarities of the development of resistant social capital of the State Customs Service and development of proposals for the development of a model of its development. Methodology of research. The following methods are used to achieve this goal: induction and deduction, theoretical generalization, abstraction, dialectical cognition – in the study of scientific sources and research of theoretical aspects of the development of resistant social capital, the definition of the categorical apparatus of the research; abstract and logical – to generalize theoretical positions, to form conclusions and proposals on the research topic. Findings. The essence and features of the development of resistant social capital are determined. The expediency of developing a model of development of resistant social capital of the State Customs Service, which is based on the principles of attributiveness and synergy, is substantiated. It allows to take into account the influence of environmental factors of the department and time variables on the development of social capital. The structural content of the development model is given, which includes: attributes of the object of development, attributes of the internal and external environment. The object, goals, functions and principles of building a model of development of resistant social capital of the State Customs Service are determined. A detailed description of each stage of application of the model of development of resistant social capital of the State Customs Service is given, which includes: monitoring, design, planning, implementation and control. The advantages of practical implementation of the proposed model are outlined. Originality. The study of theoretical aspects of the development of resistant social capital of the State Customs Service has been further developed. For the first time, proposals for the formation of a model for the development of resistant social capital at the sectoral level have been developed, its structure, features of practical implementation and advantages of application have been determined. Practical value. The main provisions of this study can be used in the process of developing proposals for the development of conceptual areas of development of resistant social capital in the State Customs Service. Key words: development, attributiveness, attributive model of development, development of resistant social capital of the State Customs Service, model of development of resistant social capital of the State Customs Service.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 637-638
Author(s):  
Christopher Wlezien

A growing chorus of academics, journalists, and politicos alike bemoans the state of American democracy. The symptoms are well known. Public trust in government has declined over time, the stock of social capital has shrunk, and turnout remains low. Some observers even argue that politicians now are less responsive to public opinion on various issues. Perhaps understandably, there is increasing pressure for reform of the electoral process, including campaign finance, the conduct of campaigns, media coverage of campaigns, and election rules themselves. In By Popular Demand, John Gastil joins the call for reform, but in an original and provocative way.


Author(s):  
Yu Tao

The relationship between religion and protest has been thoroughly discussed in various academic disciplines of social sciences, but there is far from consensus on the topic. Scholars differ significantly in their opinions on how religious values and doctrines shape the mechanisms which link protest and religion, and on how interaction between religious groups, the state, and other secular and religious groups may increase or reduce the likelihood of protests. Contemporary China provides an ideal setting in which to further advance scholarly understanding of roles that religion plays in protest, thanks to its richness, diversity, and complexity of religion, protest, and their relationship. In contemporary China, due to the inherent, profound, and possibly deliberate ambiguities within the state’s legal and regulatory arrangements on religious affairs, the boundaries between government-sanctioned churches and “underground” churches are often blurred. Many Christianity-related protests directly respond to government crackdowns, which are aimed not only at those congregations and groups that are normally considered as “underground,” “unofficial,” or “independent,” but also at churches that have long been tolerated or even officially recognized by the state. Further, while many Christianity-related protests are closely associated with the clash of ideologies in contemporary China, the specific causes of protests differ significantly among Catholic and Protestant churches, and Christian-inspired groups. The ideological incompatibility between the ruling Communist Party and the Catholic Church in China is epitomized by their struggle for authority and influence over the Chinese Catholic community. Until the provisional agreement signed between Beijing and the Vatican in September 2018, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Holy See had been competing fiercely for the authority to approve the ordination of new bishops, with such confrontations triggering numerous protests among Chinese Catholics. Unlike the Catholic Church, many of the Protestant churches that have emerged in the post-Mao era—including most “house” churches that do not affiliate with the state-sanctioned church—have no direct link with the transnational denominations which were active in China before the communist takeover in 1949 and are operated solely by Chinese citizens. However, while many Chinese Protestants display affection toward China and a sense of responsibility for improving their country, some influential Protestant church leaders have turned their progressive theology into social activism since the turn of the 21st century, leading to various forms of protests against the authoritarian policies and politics in contemporary China. Ideological and theological conflicts between different religions or religious schools may also trigger the Chinese state’s suppression of certain religious groups and activities, which often in turn cause protests. In particular, the Communist Party tends to impose extremely harsh repercussions on religious groups that are accused by mainstream Christianity of being “heterodoxies,” like the Shouters and the Disciples. These religious groups are often labelled as “evil cults” and their leaders and members often face legal action or even criminal charges. The protests organized by these religious groups have not only targeted the government but also the mainstream Christian churches that criticize them from a theological point of view. Given the profound ideological and political incompatibility of the CCP and various Christian groups, it is unlikely that Christianity can replicate the close collaborations that Buddhism and Daoism have developed with the CCP since the early 1980s.


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