Framing of Abortion and Church-State Relations in Russian Orthodox Online Portals

Over the past two decades, clerics in the Russian Orthodox Church have found a new outlet for morality policy discussions: news portals, blogs, and other sites that comprise a virtual public sphere of Russian Orthodox online media. One prominent issue discussed herein is abortion in Russia, a subject that has spawned debates about possible regulation and prevention measures. This article analyzes statements regarding abortion made by clerics and others serving in the Russian Orthodox Church via Russian Orthodox online portals. Using typologies for framing strategies established through research of morality policy and church-state relations in Russia, this analysis will show that rational-instrumental frames were employed more frequently than religiously based or procedural arguments, and frames expressing affinity and disillusionment with the state were utilized more often than those evoking church-state symphony or anti-government disestablishment. In addition, it will shed light on framing strategies between online portals with varying degrees of proximity to the Moscow Patriarchate.

Managing Religious Diversity in Europe

Since the mid-twentieth century, religion in Europe has faced three inter-related trends: the waning of Christianity, increasing secularization, and rising levels of diversity stemming from growing globalization and changing migration patterns. As a result, all European states confront the same broad question: how to adapt existing church–state relations and norms of secularism to an extra-Christian religious diversity that the continent has not known before. At the same time, Europe features a ‘bewildering variety’ of political and institutional connections when it comes to the governance of religious diversity, reflecting different historical inheritances. To make sense of this, this chapter discusses these dynamics in relation to three processes: the politicization, institutionalization, and securitization of religion and divides its discussion into three confessional regions—a majority Protestant North-West, a majority Catholic South, and a majority Orthodox East—in order to analyse how, from their many different starting points, European states are addressing contemporary religious diversity.

Ukraine and Russia

This chapter describes the intertwined religious and political histories of Russia and Ukraine, focusing on church–state relations and religion’s role in relations between the two nations. It analyzes the common origins of these countries in medieval Kyivan Rus’, and the ongoing debate about the significance of the decision to accept Orthodox Christianity in 988 to both the relationship between church and state and the cultural orientation of Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians. It traces the legacy of separate religious development in the medieval era; changing church–state relations in Russia; the use of religion as a mode of governance; the civilizational debate about Orthodoxy and European identity; the experience under the Soviet regime; religious revival amid the collapse of communism; and post-communist tensions about the role of religion in a pluralist society, and about competing visions of a ‘Russian World’ on one hand and autocephaly for Ukrainian Orthodoxy on the other.

The Efforts of Archbishop Khoren Muradbekyan Aimed at the Normalization of Church-State Relations in 1924–1930

1924 год в истории Армянской Апостольской церкви является поворотным. Церковь переходит от автократической формы правления при Католикосе Всех Армян Георгии Е к коллегиальной форме при Верховном духовном совете, в котором архиепископ Хорен Мурадбекян пользовался особым авторитетом.

The Culture of State-Church and Church-State Relations: The Ukrainian Case

The article is devoted to relations between Church and the Ukrainian State and analysis of their current state and prospects of development. The authors analyze some state–church approaches to the relationship between State and Church based on Ukrainian legislation and social concepts of churches. The main task of a modern state is to guarantee freedom of conscience to citizens and provide conditions for free functioning of religious organizations. Church also assumes certain responsibilities to the state and society. The article provides an overview of the attitude of the Catholic, Greek Catholic and Orthodox Churches to power. Referring to the practice of state-church relations and church-state relations in Ukraine, the authors deduce that the subjects of these relations do not yet demonstrate the appropriate level of culture of this relationship, and do not follow the rules of partnership between Church and State. The authors admit a possibility to constructively criticize each other’s positions and make mutual demands, contextualizing their interests and needs while forming this culture. At the same time, State should get rid of the remnants of Soviet totalitarian control over the activities of Church, and Church should renounce patronage and servility. For both State and Church, in the sphere of mutual relations, taking into consideration world models of civilized relations between them and referring to their own history of these relations and existing experience of communication with each other, there should be established a high culture of dialogue between State and Church, between secular and spiritual authorities.

Nations under God: How Church–State Relations Shape Christian Responses to Right-Wing Populism in Germany and the United States

Right-wing populists across many western countries have markedly intensified their references to Christianity in recent years. However, Christian communities’ reactions to such developments often vary significantly, ranging from disproportionate support in some countries to outspoken opposition in others. This paper explores the role of structural factors, and in particular of Church–State relations, in accounting for some of these differences. Specifically, this article explores how Church–State relations in Germany and the United States have produced different incentives and opportunity structures for faith leaders when facing right-wing populism. Based on quantitative studies, survey data, and 31 in-depth elite interviews, this research suggests that whereas Germany’s system of “benevolent neutrality” encourages highly centralised churches whose leaders perceive themselves as integral part and defenders of the current system, and are therefore both willing and able to create social taboos against right-wing populism, America’s “Wall of separation” favours a de-centralised religious marketplace, in which church leaders are more prone to agree with populists’ anti-elitist rhetoric, and face higher costs and barriers against publicly condemning right-wing populism. Taking such structural factors into greater account when analysing Christian responses to right-wing populism is central to understanding current and future dynamics between politics and religion in western democracies.