Fianna Fáil’s Agrarian Man and the Economics of National Salvation

Author(s):  
Aidan Beatty
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Vladislav Strutynsky

By analyzing one of the most eventful periods of the modern history of Poland, the early 80s of the XX century, the author examines the dynamics of social and political conflict on the eve of the introduction of martial law, which determines the location of the leading political forces in these events in Poland, that were grouped around the Polish United Labor Party and the Independent trade union «Solidarity», their governing structures and grassroots organizations, highlighting the development of socio-political situation in the country before entering the martial law on the 13th of December and analyzing the relation of the leading countries to the events, especially the Soviet Union. Also, the author distinguishes causes that prevent to reach the compromise in the process of realization different programs, that were offered to public and designed by PUWP and «Solidarity» and were “aimed” to help Polish society to exit an unprecedented conflict. This article provides a comparative analysis of the different analytical meaningful reasons, offered by historians, political scientists, lawyers, and led to the imposition of martial law in the Republic of Poland. The author also analyses the legality of such actions by the state and some conclusions that were reached by scientists, investigating the internal dynamics of the conflict and the process of implementation of tasks, that Polish United Workers’ Party (which ruled at that time) tried to solve with martial law and «Solidarity» was used as self-determination in Polish society. Keywords: Martial law, Independent trade union «Solidarity», inter-factory strike committee, social-political conflict, Polish United Workers’ Party, the Warsaw Pact, the Military Council of National Salvation


2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 563-586 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louise Edwards

During the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–45), China's leading cartoon artists formed patriotic associations aimed at repelling the Japanese military. Their stated propaganda goals were to boost morale among the troops and the civilian population by circulating artwork that would ignite the spirit of resistance among Chinese audiences. In keeping with the genre, racialized and sexualized imagery abounded. The artists created myriad disturbing visions of how militarized violence impacted men's and women's bodies differently. By analyzing the two major professional journals, National Salvation Cartoons and War of Resistance Cartoons, this article shows that depictions of sexual violence inflicted on Chinese women were integral to the artists' attempts to arouse the spirit of resistance. By comparing their depictions of different types of bodies (Chinese and Japanese, male and female, soldiers' and civilians') the article argues that the cartoonists believed that the depiction of sexually mutilated Chinese women would build resistance and spur patriotism while equivalent depictions of mutilated male soldiers would sap morale and hamper the war effort. The article concludes with a discussion about the dubious efficacy of propaganda that invokes a hypersexualized, masculine enemy other.


Author(s):  
V. A. Nadein-Raevskiy

The article examines the process of formation of identity of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan – a charismatic leader, an adept of “moderate Islamism” one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party. Historically strong centralized authority was always normal for Turkey and the need for Turks in the charismatic leaders is evident even at the present time. Erdogan is stubborn and consistent, thanking to religious education in his family and in religious Lyceum Imam Hatib. He was always religious and since his student years, joined Islamic politicians. In his student years he became the head of the Istanbul Youth organization of the Islamist National Salvation Party, in whose ranks and files he received good practice of a political organizer. The crisis in the ranks of the Islamists after repeated bans of the Islamist party led to a split in its ranks and Erdogan and his associates established the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Creating the AKP, Erdogan and his colleagues received a very important support from the well-known Muslim preacher, writer and philosopher Fethullah Gülen living in Pennsylvania (USA). The political support of Gülen who has millions of followers in Turkey and a well-organized educational system of the “Hizmet” Movement operating not only in Turkey but also in 140 countries helped the AKP to win the elections to the Turkish Parliament. Numerous graduates of private schools, colleges and universities of F. Gülen has occupied leading positions in business, police, juridical structures and the armed forces of Turkey and became supporters of Erdogan. Economic reforms of the AKP has substantially strengthened the Turkish economy, increased the income of the population and managed to cope successfully with inflation. On this ground Erdogan’s credibility consequently grew in the face of voters who saw him a successful leader and skilled politician. However, Erdogan gradually returned to the daily life of Turks the Islamic religion, which caused discontent among the supporters of secular development of the country. Repeated attempts to remove the AKP from power were not successful. Using strong support from F. Gülen’s structures in the judiciary, Erdogan managed to organize high-profile lawsuits against the army leadership, politicians, and journalists – supporters of secular development of the country. In a popular referendum, the army was excluded from influence on the political system of the country. However, constant criticism of the policies of Erdogan from the side of F. Gülen led to the crisis of union between the two leaders. Using the failed coup attempt Erdogan accused in its organization Fethullah Gülen and began a wide crackdown against his supporters. 


Author(s):  
Alena Petrovna Kashkareva

This article analyzes the views of the contemporary Ugric writer Sergey Kozlov pertaining to mission of the women in 1990s – 2000s, which was the turning period for the country. The novella “Mother-Masha” demonstrates that it textual space, namely the woman becomes the symbol of justice of the Christian fabric of life, and is reflected in the sincere desire of the protagonist to establish good and justice in the world. The author contemplates on S. Kozlov's ideological and artistic views upon the role of the woman at the time of major transformations in the Russian history. Reference to the writer’s fictional prose, diaries, and interviews allows revealing the peculiarities of his axiological position in the context of the Russian philosophy of femininity. The scientific novelty of this research is substantiated by the need for articulation of the problem related to the study of specificity of female images in the creative heritage of Siberian writer Sergey Kozlov. Comprehensive analysis of the writer's novella “Mother-Masha” included into the book “Duty Angel” (2011) is carried out. The article introduces the sources, such as diary notes and interview materials, which have not been previously used in studying the works of S. Kozlov. The conclusion is made that soteriological mission was imposed on Mother Masha – the woman who proliferated the Divine Commandments to the world and is associated with the symbol of national salvation.


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-59

On 25 April 1974, we learned from radio broadcasts about the coup d'etat in Portugal by the armed forces which resulted in the ousting of the government of Marcelo Caetano and its replacement by a Junta of National Salvation. This movement, according to its promoters, is intended to provide a solution to the present crisis which the Portuguese regime and society are going through after thirteen years of colonial war.The coup d'etat which has just taken place cannot be seen in isolation. It is a result of the new awareness of growing sectors of the Portuguese people that the purpose of the colonial war launched by the fascist regime is to suppress the colonized peoples’ aspiration to independence and freedom and is against the desire for well-being and political and social democracy of the Portuguese people themselves.At this time we hail, in the first place, the Portuguese democratic forces which for many years have been actively and courageously opposing the colonial wars. This growing awareness is closely bound up with the affirmation of the unshakable will of the Mozambjcan people, and of the peoples of Angola, Guinea-Bissau and the Cape Verde islands, to achieve independence and freedom. This will has taken on material form in the armed struggle for national liberation which has been steadily growing and has already reached vital regions of our country. The coincidence between the crisis of the regime in Portugal and the great advances of the national liberation struggle in Mozambique over the past two years is no accident, but additional proof of the impact of our struggle on the situation in Portugal. The determinant factor of the situation in Portugal and the colonies has been and still is the struggle of our peoples. And the fundamental issue upon which the solution of all other problems depends is the independence of the peoples of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea-Bissau and the Cape Verde islands, as well as that of the remaining Portuguese colonies.


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