scholarly journals Family Policy in the United States: State-Level Variation in Policy and Poverty Outcomes from 1980 to 2015

Author(s):  
Zachary Parolin ◽  
Rosa Daiger von Gleichen

AbstractThis chapter investigates the diversity and divergence of three sets of family policy indicators across the 50 United States: money, services, and time. Our findings show that the 50 United States vary considerably in their family policy packages. States have become more dissimilar over time with respect to social assistance transfers and statutory minimum wages, but have become more similar in their subsidization of low-pay employment. Moreover, states vary greatly in their levels of support for early childhood education and healthcare. State-level variation in out-of-pocket medical spending has more than doubled from 1980 to 2015, in large part due to some states deciding to expand Medicaid access from 2009 onward. Despite large diversity and some divergence in states’ family policy packages, post-tax/transfer poverty rates have remained relatively stable over time. This is partially due to an increase in federally funded transfer programs mitigating the social consequences of state-level diversity.

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Claudio Katz

ResumoA validade de conceitos como Pos-liberalismo e "Consenso de mercadorias" é elucidada pela análise das mudanças na região. O capitalismo se espalhou na agricultura e mineração sublinhando a primazia das exportações básicas.A indústria tradicional retrocede frente fábricas exploradoras e aumenta a gravitação das remessas e do turismo.Estas tendências não foram alteradas pela crise global. A burguesia nacional foi substituída por mais capitalistas locais associados à empresas estrangeiras, enquanto o êxodo camponês consolidou a insegurança no trabalho, a pobreza e a desigualdade. Os Estados Unidos implementou tropas para reorganizar o seu domínio. Seus rivais europeus perdem terreno na área econômica e a China desafia nos negócios, mas não em uma preeminência político-militar. Com os projetos Tratado do Pacífico ressurgindo, governos de direita de livre comércio reaparecem. O NAFTA ilustra as consequências sociais de tais acordos, e da burguesia mexicana internacionaliza seus negócios. O Brasil lidera outro bloco com objetivos capitalistas mais autônomas de regionalismo. Ele age como um poder semi-periférico com atitudes ambivalentes em relação aos Estados Unidos. Estas vacilações têm levado à estagnação do MERCOSUL, apesar da nova intervenção geopolítica, como a Unasul e CELAC, patrocinada por presidentes de centro-esquerda. Argentina tem sido relegada e submetida a oscilações imprevisíveis.Palavras-ChaveAmérica Latina, crise, o neoliberalismo, reestruturação---ResumenLa validez de los conceptos Pos-liberalismo y “Consenso de commodities” se dilucida analizando las transformaciones de la región. El capitalismo se ha extendido en el agro y la minería acentuando la preeminencia de las exportaciones básicas. La industria tradicional retrocede frente a las maquilas y aumenta la gravitación de las remesas y el turismo. Estas tendencias no han sido modificadas por la crisis global. La burguesía nacional fue reemplazada por capitalistas locales más asociados con empresas extranjeras, mientras que el éxodo campesino consolida la precarización laboral, la pobreza y la desigualdad. Estados Unidos despliega tropas para reorganizar su dominación. Sus rivales europeos pierden terreno en la economía y China disputa negocios pero no preeminencia político-militar. Con el Tratado del Pacífico resurgen los proyectos de libre-comercio de los gobiernos derechistas. El NAFTA ilustra las consecuencias sociales de estos convenios, que la burguesía mexicana utiliza para internacionalizar sus negocios. Brasil encabeza otro bloque con metas más autónomas de regionalismo capitalista. Actúa como sub-potencia semiperiférica con posturas ambivalentes frente a Estados Unidos. Estas vacilaciones han conducido al estancamiento del MERCOSUR, a pesar de la nueva intervención geopolítica de UNASUR y CELAC, auspiciada por los presidentes de centroizquierda. Argentina ha quedado relegada y sujeta a imprevisibles vaivenes.Palabras clavesAmérica Latina, crisis, neoliberalismo, reestructuración.---AbstractThe validity of concepts such as Pos-liberalism and "Consensus of commodities" is elucidated by analyzing the changes in the region. Capitalism has spread in agriculture and mining industries emphasizing the primacy of the basic exports. The traditional industry fell off the maquilas and gravitated towards remittances and tourism. These trends have not been changed by the global crisis. The national bourgeoisie was replaced by more local capitalists associated with foreign companies, while the peasant exodus consolidated job insecurity, poverty and inequality. United States deployed troops to reorganize its domination. Their european rivals have been losing ground in the economic area and China challenges in business but not in a political-military preeminence. With the Treaty Pacific projects resurfacing, free-trade right-wing governments reappear. The NAFTA illustrates the social consequences of these agreements, and the mexican bourgeoisie internationalize their business. Brazil leads another block with more autonomous capitalist goals of regionalism. It acts as a semi-peripheral power with ambivalent attitudes toward the United States. These vacillations have led to the stagnation of MERCOSUL, despite the new geopolitical intervention, such as UNASUR and CELAC, sponsored by the center-left presidents. Argentina has been relegated and subjected to unpredictable swings.Key-WordsLatin America, crisis, neoliberalism, restructuring 


PLoS ONE ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (10) ◽  
pp. e0240648 ◽  
Author(s):  
Easton R. White ◽  
Laurent Hébert-Dufresne

Author(s):  
Cassandra Engeman

AbstractDrawing from U.S. state legislative documents, this chapter examines the development of subnational leave policies across states and over time. The research identifies 72 leave laws adopted by states between 1942 and 2017 and shows how some states are more active than others. In comparison to other countries, states quickly abandoned female-targeted policies in favor of gender-neutral, individual entitlements, and leave rights in the United States can be uniquely distinguished by whether they provide time-off to address medical or caregiving needs. I argue that American lawmakers have an opportunity to layer wage-replacement benefits on top of preexisting, gender-neutral and individual entitlements to job-protected leave in a step toward gender-egalitarian family policy models found in other countries.


Author(s):  
Kathleen C. Oberlin

Through a close historical examination of archived newsletters (1963-2007) from four different creationist organizations, this chapter traces potential sites Answers in Genesis might have built instead to reach and influence a broader public such as a college or a research center among other strategies. In light of these available alternatives, it shows how the museum emerged over time when Young Earth Creationists shifted the focus of the social movement away from Old Earth Creationism, advanced effective leaders who reassessed previous movement actions, and adapted to the sociocultural as well as political environment of the 1970s and 1980s. It argues the rise of Answers in Genesis as an organization and its tactical decision to build a museum only came as a surprise because scholars were previously limited to examining political opportunities and legislation advanced by the movement.


2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Miller ◽  
Norman Schofield

Because the space of policies is two-dimensional, parties in the United States are coalitions of opposed interests. The Republican Party contains both socially conservative and socially liberal groups, though both tend to be pro-business. The increasing dominance of the social conservatives has angered some prominent Republicans, even causing a number of them to change party allegiance. Over time, the decreasing significance of the economic axis may cause the Republican Party to adopt policies that are analogous to those proposed by William Jennings Bryan in 1896: populist and anti-business. In parallel, the Democratic Party will increasingly appeal to pro-business, social liberals, so the party takes on the mantel of Lincoln.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah S. Mack ◽  
David Dosa

Background: The Physician Orders for Life-Sustaining Treatment (POLST) Paradigm is an effective advance care planning tool. However, barriers to implementation persist. In the United States, POLST program development occurs at the state-level. Substantial differences between states has left POLST implementation largely unstandardized. No peer-reviewed studies to date have evaluated state-based POLST program development over time. Objective: To assess and learn from the successes and barriers in state-based POLST program development over time to improve the reach of POLST or similar programs across the United States. Design: An exploratory, prospective cohort study that utilized semistructured telephone interviews was conducted over a 3-year period (2012-2015). Stakeholder representatives from state POLST coalitions (n = 14) were repeatedly queried on time-relevant successes, barriers, and innovations during POLST program development with levels of legislative and medical barriers rated 1 to 10. Interviews were transcribed and analyzed using techniques grounded in qualitative theory. Results: All coalition representatives reported continuous POLST expansion with improved outreach and community partnerships. Significant barriers to expansion included difficulty in securing funding for training and infrastructure, lack of statewide metric systems to adequately assess expansion, lack of provider support, and legislative concerns. Medical barriers (mean [standard deviation]: 5.0 [0.2]) were rated higher than legislative (3.0 [0.6]; P < .001). Conclusion: POLST programs continue to grow, but not without barriers. Based on the experiences of developing coalitions, we were able to identify strategies to expand POLST programs and overcome barriers. Ultimately the “lessons learned” in this study can serve as a guide to improve the reach of POLST or similar programs.


2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 757-770 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Douglas ◽  
Jennifer Vanderminden

Annually, over a thousand children are the victims of homicide in the United States Homicide among younger children, 0–9 years of age, is usually perpetrated by parents and caregivers. Researchers neither have tracked changes in the homicide rate among young children over time nor have they used theory to understand what factors may drive these changes. In this analysis of state-level data, we used longitudinal growth modeling and ecological theory to examine changes in homicide rate against children aged 0–9 years from 1979 to 2007. Our results indicate that states are relatively consistent, over time, in their homicide rates. Furthermore, a cultural context of criminal and risky behavior is positively associated with homicide against children. We discuss implications for future research and prevention.


2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 215-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thad Beyle ◽  
Richard G. Niemi ◽  
Lee Sigelman

Job approval ratings for state governors, unlike those for the United States president, have been relatively inaccessible to political scientists. We introduce the U.S. Officials Job Approval Ratings (JAR) dataset, a new compilation of gubernatorial job approval ratings—along with senatorial and state-level presidential ratings—that draws together many of these ratings, beginning with the first published rating in 1947 and extending through 2000. We describe some of the characteristics of these data, especially the kinds of rating scales used and their impact on overall approval assessment. We then show that 1993–2000 presidential approval levels varied widely from state to state and are correlated with state-level support for Clinton in the 1996 presidential election. Finally, we note that while gubernatorial approval often declines over time, many governors remain popular over the length of their term.


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 255-255
Author(s):  
Thao Dang ◽  
John Garza ◽  
Mandeep Sidhu ◽  
Neha Panchagnula ◽  
Saima Mahmood ◽  
...  

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