Mediating Class in a Classless Society? Media and Social Inequalities in Socialist Eastern Europe

Author(s):  
Sabina Mihelj
2012 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-56
Author(s):  
Oskar Gruenwald ◽  

This essay explores the intellectual and spiritual ferment in Tito's Yugoslavia focusing on its two major protagonists, Milovan Djilas and Mihajlo Mihajlov, Their quest for an open society and the first freedoms-thought, speech, press, assembly, and association-inspired a phenomenal rebirth ofcivic culture and civil society that toppled commmist rule in the 1989 peaceful revolution which swept across Eastern Europe and shook the Kremlin, This Third Revolution is set in the larger framework recalling the unique features of Yugoslavia's "independent road to socialism," following the Tito-Stalin split in 1948, which made "Djilasism" possible. Titoism as a case study of modernization highlights the promises and pitfalls of Marxist-Leninist ideology whose utopia of a classless society remained a straitjacket limiting efforts at liberalization and democratization. Thus, post-Tito Yugoslavia became a cauldron of nationalist contestations for Tito's mantle of leadership. Mihajlov warned of the consequences of ethnic or identity politics in a multi-ethnic state, resulting in the division of post-Tito Yugoslavia along national/ethnic lines, which triggered the 1990s civil war and "ethnic cleansing" on all sides. The essay concludes that both Djilas and Mihajlov championed freedom. Yet Mihajlov's is the more enduring and universally redeeming vision whose transcendent grounding in a Christian metaphysics resonates across time and space, ennobling cultures.


2020 ◽  
pp. 095892872097418
Author(s):  
Sabina Stan ◽  
Roland Erne ◽  
Susan Gannon

Although the European Health Insurance Card (EHIC) was meant to bring Europeans together, this study shows that it is amplifying social inequalities across regions and classes. First, we evaluate the effects of east–west EHIC mobility, and of Eastern Europeans’ participation in it, on the practice of EU social citizenship rights to access cross-border care along spatial (east–west) and social class divides. We then assess the impact of these mobilities on healthcare resources in Western and Eastern Europe. Our findings show that the EHIC reinforces rather than reduces the spatially and socially uneven access to social citizenship rights to cross-border care. Moreover, EHIC patient outflows from Eastern to Western Europe result in a much higher relative financial burden for the budgets of Eastern European states than outflows from Western to Eastern Europe do for Western European countries. As a result, east–west EHIC mobility is reproducing rather than reversing healthcare inequalities between the two regions. Hence, the EHIC does not fulfil its promise of European social integration – not, however, because it creates a burden on Western European welfare states as often argued in Eurosceptic tabloids, but because it increases social inequalities both inside and between richer and poorer EU member states.


2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL MARMOT ◽  
MARTIN BOBAK

The health status of populations of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union underwent major changes after the fall of communism. While mortality started declining in Central Europe, mortality in Russia and most other countries of the former Soviet Union rose dramatically and has yet to improve. In terms of the socioeconomic changes, some countries (mainly Central Europe) were able to contain the fall in income and rise in income inequalities, but across the former Soviet Union gross domestic product plummeted and income inequality grew rapidly. This led to two types of inequality: first, the widening gap in mortality between countries, and second, the increasing social gradient in health and disease within countries. The thrust of our argument is that the disadvantages in health in Eastern Europe, and the growing social inequalities in health in the region, are direct results of the social changes, and that psychosocial factors played a pivotal role in the health pattern seen in Central and Eastern Europe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Russo

In the Critique of Dialectical Reason and in many interviews, Sartre upheld the proletariat’s attempts at emancipation in Western societies and their revolts in the developing world. In these texts, counter-violence is considered the only way to exercise concrete engagement, and a classless society is presented as the only possibility of reducing social inequalities. However, this radical point of view was not the only perspective he tried to develop. He also sought to elaborate an existentialist ethics, which does not correspond to the Marxist theory. This article aims to show that Sartre evoked Notebooks’ ideas in his last interview, Hope Now, in which he envisaged a different typology of democracy and society. This article will examine this new and last direction of Sartre’s political thought.


1995 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Watkins ◽  
Anne McCreary Juhasz ◽  
Aldona Walker ◽  
Nijole Janvlaitiene

Analysis of the responses of 139 male and 83 female Lithuanian 12-14 year-olds to a translation of the Self-Description Questionnaire-1 (SDQ-1; Marsh, 1988 ) supported the internal consistency and factor structure of this instrument. Some evidence of a “positivity” response bias was found, however. Comparison of the Lithuanian responses to those of like-aged Australian, Chinese, Filipino, Nepalese, and Nigerian children indicated the Lithuanians tended to report rather lower self-esteem. The Lithuanian males also tended to report lower self-esteem than their female peers. Interpretation of the results are considered in terms of reactions to the recent upheavals in Eastern Europe, stable cultural dimensions, and possible cultural and gender biases in the items of the SDQ-1.


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