Unaccompanied Young Asylum-Seekers Stuck in Transit in Indonesia: Intimate Relationships and Resilience

2016 ◽  
pp. 295-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antje Missbach ◽  
Danau Tanu
2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-129
Author(s):  
Bilquis Ghani ◽  
Lucy Fiske

Afghans and Afghanistan have, since September 11, risen to prominence in Western popular imagination as a land of tradition, tribalism and violence. Afghan women are assumed to be silent, submissive, and terrorised by Afghan men, who are seen as violent patriarchs driven by an uncompromising mediaeval religion. These Islamophobic tropes also inform perceptions of Afghans seeking asylum. In transit, identities are further reduced; asylum seekers lose even a national identity and become a Muslim threat – criminals, terrorists or invaders. These narrative frames permeate political discourse, media, and reports of non-governmental organisations (seeking donor funds to ‘save’ Afghan women). Drawing on fieldwork in Afghanistan and Indonesia, this article looks at how Afghans in Kabul and Indonesia are using art and other forms of cultural production to challenge over-simplified hegemonic narratives in the West, to open spaces for dialogue and expression within their own communities, and to offer a more nuanced account of their own identities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriella Sanchez

Current representations of large movements of migrants and asylum seekers have become part of the global consciousness. Media viewers are bombarded with images of people from the global south riding atop of trains, holding on to dinghies, arriving at refugee camps, crawling beneath wire fences or being rescued after being stranded in the ocean or the desert for days. Images of gruesome scenes of death in the Mediterranean or the Arizona or Sahara deserts reveal the inherent risks of irregular migration, as bodies are pulled out of the water or corpses are recovered, bagged, and disposed of, their identities remaining forever unknown. Together, these images communicate a powerful, unbearable feeling of despair and crisis. Around the world, many of these tragedies are attributed to the actions of migrant smugglers, who are almost monolithically depicted as men from the Global South organized in webs of organized criminals whose transnational reach allows them to prey on migrants and asylum seekers' vulnerabilities. Smugglers are described as callous, greedy, and violent. Reports on efforts to contain their influence and strength are also abundant in official narratives of border and migration control. The risks inherent to clandestine journeys and the violence people face during these transits must not be denied. Many smugglers do take advantage of the naivetέ and helplessness of migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers, stripping them of their valuables and abandoning them to their fate during their journeys. Yet, as those working directly with migrants and asylum seekers in transit can attest, the relationships that emerge between smugglers and those who rely on their services are much more complex, and quite often, significantly less heinous than what media and law enforcement suggest. The visibility of contemporary, large migration movements has driven much research on migrants' clandestine journeys and their human rights implications. However, the social contexts that shape said journeys and their facilitation have not been much explored by researchers (Achilli 2015). In other words, the efforts carried out by migrants, asylum seekers, and their families and friends to access safe passage have hardly been the target of scholarly analysis, and are often obscured by the more graphic narratives of victimization and crime. In short, knowledge on the ways migrants, asylum seekers, and their communities conceive, define, and mobilize mechanisms for irregular or clandestine migration is limited at best. The dichotomist script of smugglers as predators and migrants and asylum seekers as victims that dominates narratives of clandestine migration has often obscured the perspectives of those who rely on smugglers for their mobility. This has not only silenced migrants and asylum seekers' efforts to reach safety, but also the collective knowledge their communities use to secure their mobility amid increased border militarization and migration controls. This paper provides an overview of contemporary, empirical scholarship on clandestine migration facilitation. It then argues that the processes leading to clandestine or irregular migration are not merely the domain of criminal groups. Rather, they also involve a series of complex mechanisms of protection crafted within migrant and refugee communities as attempts to reduce the vulnerabilities known to be inherent to clandestine journeys. Both criminal and less nefarious efforts are shaped by and in response to enforcement measures worldwide on the part of nation-states to control migration flows. Devised within migrant and refugee communities, and mobilized formally and informally among their members, strategies to facilitate clandestine or irregular migration constitute a system of human security rooted in generations-long, historical notions of solidarity, tradition, reciprocity, and affect (Khosravi 2010). Yet amid concerns over national and border security, and the reemergence of nationalism, said strategies have become increasingly stigmatized, traveling clandestinely being perceived as an inherently — and uniquely — criminal activity. This contribution constitutes an attempt to critically rethink the framework present in everyday narratives of irregular migration facilitation. It is a call to incorporate into current protection dialogs the perceptions of those who rely on criminalized migration mechanisms to fulfill mobility goals, and in so doing, articulate and inform solutions towards promoting safe and dignifying journeys for all migrants and asylum seekers in transit.


Author(s):  
Antje Missbach

Abstract Asylum seekers and refugees currently living in Indonesia tend to see Indonesia as a transit rather than a destination country, despite the fact that their stays are increasing in length. Based on contact with Muhamad (not his real name), a young refugee from Iran currently residing in Indonesia whose adjustment and development I observed over four years, I illustrate the changing priorities in his decision-making, the constant flux of circumstances and context, and the extreme complexity of primary and secondary factors that come into play in planning for the future. Combining a macro perspective with a case study, in which I present excerpts from several life-story interviews, helps to exemplify these generic migratory challenges and distil a range of relevant parameters that influence the decision-making of asylum seekers and refugees in transit. A (self-)critical reflection on ethical and methodological challenges underpins my analysis and argument, not least because politicians and policymakers are increasingly interested in influencing migratory decision-making processes to gain political advantage. Of particular interest in my analysis is the role of Australia’s deterrence policies in asylum seekers’ decision-making. Despite the ethical challenges associated with studying migratory decision-making—as public knowledge of migration strategies can also suppress aspirations of mobility—I argue for more in-depth and longitudinal research. At the very least, this is because more intensive, yet considerate studies of decision-making will help us to take seriously the migratory aspirations of people with limited choices.


Author(s):  
Bianchi Ilenia ◽  
Focardi Martina ◽  
Bugelli Valentina ◽  
Francesco Pradella ◽  
Giolli Carlo ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Illegal immigration to Europe is a well-known phenomenon whose numbers are being steadily increasing in recent years. Most of the immigrants in Italy come from war zones, and many of them submit an asylum application supported by the complaint to have been victims of persecutory acts in their home countries. Material and methods One hundred ninety-six medicolegal reports are analyzed considering the different country of origin, the type of the lesions claimed, tools used, evidenced effects, location of the perpetration of the physical abuses, and the possible motivation of the alleged torture. Results Greater than 80% of the assessed asylum seekers are over 18-year males coming from African countries. Fifty-eight percent of migrants were tortured or abused in countries of transit, 95% in Libya. Economic, familial, politic, and ethnic reasons prevail in some countries of origin, while tortures or abuses perpetrated in transit countries are mainly linked to forced labor and detention. In the 42.2% of cases, no physical evidence of tortures was detected. The Istanbul Protocol resulted to have been only partly applicable and about 40% of the medicolegal reports are “inconclusive” about the compatibility of physical evidence with the alleged tortures. Conclusions The medicolegal and forensic experts involved in torture and ill-treatment cases should seek specific education and training to lower the risks of underestimation and the rate of inconclusive reports. More extensive implementation of the Istanbul Protocol in daily practice should be pursued by the authorities in charge of asylum or protection releasement.


Author(s):  
Marina Čepo

Restrictions on freedom of movement, in particular the detention of asylum seekers as the most severe form of such restrictions, constitute an interference with fundamental human rights and must be approached with particular care. In view of the migration and refugee crisis, the Republic of Hungary has begun to amend its asylum legislation, thus tightening the conditions for the detention of asylum seekers. The introduction of the provision establishing that asylum may be sought only in transit zones has also led to the gradual detention of asylum seekers in transit zones, which Hungary did not consider as detention. This issue was brought before the Court of Justice of the European Union (hereinafter: CJEU), which drastically changed the path taken by the Hungarian government when it comes to detaining asylum seekers. What the CJEU has found is that leaving people in transit zones without the right to free movement is to be considered detention, even though they are not specialized detention facilities. The CJEU ordered that such a practice must cease immediately. Therefore, this paper will examine the Hungarian practice following the judgment of the CJEU. The CJEU has taken a major step towards protecting the rights of asylum seekers as regards detention, and the EU recently adopted amendments as part of the new Pact on Migration and Asylum aimed at improving the existing asylum system. The second part of the paper analyzes the provisions of the new Pact on Migration and Asylum related to detention in order to determine whether the proposed amendments contribute to the Common European Asylum System and the protection of the human rights of asylum seekers or represent a step backwards.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriella Sanchez

What are the challenges and the advantages of using an intersectionality-informed approach in criminological research? In this essay I raise that question via an analysis of human smuggling discourses. Tragic events involving the deaths of irregular migrants and asylum seekers in transit are most often attributed to the actions of the human smuggler— constructed as the violent, greed-driven, predator racialized, and gendered as a male from the global South. Most academic engagements with smuggling often failing to notice the discursive fields they enter, have focused on documenting in detail the victimization and violence processes faced by those in transit, in the process reinscribing often problematic narratives of irregular migration, like those reducing migrants to naïve and powerless creatures and smugglers as inherently male, foreign and criminal bodies. I argue that essentialized notions of identity prevalent in neoliberal discourses have permeated engagements with migration, allowing for human smuggling’s framing solely as an inherently exploitative and violent practice performed by explicitly racialized, gendered Others. In what follows I start to articulate the possibility of reframing human smuggling, shifting the focus from the mythified smugglers to the series of social interactions and sensorial experiences that often facilitated as demonstrations of care and solidarity ultimately lead to the mobility, albeit precarious, of irregular migrants. Through a critical engagement with the concept of intersectionality I explore how smuggling—as one of multiple irregular migration strategies—can be unpacked as constituting much more than the quintessential predatory practice of late modernity performed by criminal smugglers preying on powerless victims, to be instead acknowledged as an alternative, contradictory, highly complex if often precarious path to mobility and safety in and from the margins.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-380
Author(s):  
Giuliana Costa

Abstract The State is responsible for hosting and protecting asylum-seekers and refugees, while policies and programmes are, instead, implemented at the local level. Local governance of forced migration can either reinforce exclusionist drivers imposed by national laws or effectively shape them through innovative practices, at times overcoming what is perceived as inadequate legislation, to manage the issue inclusively. This article describes Milan’s asylum-seekers and migrants in transit hosting system in 2014–2016 and discusses the extent to which the experience constituted an opportunity for social innovation in local welfare policies. Giving asylum-seekers sanctuary and dealing with the high and rapid inflow of people in transit created a unique approach (for Italy) that is still under-researched, unlike that of cities such as Amsterdam and Barcelona. The components of the “Milan Model” are identified, contextualised, and scrutinised by 46 interviews with key informants, including executives of Milan Municipality, managers of the city’s hosting facilities, social workers, journalists, Italian scholars, national and local social movement leaders, and volunteers and representatives of nationally coordinated associations.


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