Innovation Performance and Development Assistance and Growth in Four East European Member States

Author(s):  
Spyridon Repousis ◽  
Petros Lois
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 143-175
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kuczyńska-Zonik ◽  
Peteris F. Timofejevs

Over the last two decades, family law has undergone changes in Western Europe, widening the definition of marriage to include same-sex couples. In addition, some East European countries offer a legal recognition of civil unions of same-sex couples, while others do not offer any legal recognition at all. This diversity in family law has been recently challenged by developments at the European level. It is argued here that this constitutes an adaptational pressure on those European Union (EU) member states that do not offer any or offer only formal recognition of same-sex couples. We examine two cases when member states faced such an adaptational pressure, namely Estonia and Latvia, focusing on the interplay of two types of factors. First is that of formal institutions which, due to their constitutional role or their expertise in the EU law, may act as facilitators of legal changes. On the other hand, there are also political actors which have tried to constrain such an adaptation. We examine here especially the role of two political parties which have made a considerable effort to oppose the change in the two countries. It is argued here that the ideological orientation of these parties explains, at least partly, their opposition to the ongoing Europeanization of family law. The paper concludes with a discussion of the main findings and their implications.


Subject Instability in eastern EU. Significance The EU has long reinforced Central-East European (CEE) member states with regulations and constraints. As it became absorbed in the euro-crisis and the nationalist surge, these countries felt less constrained and freer to act. Consequently, short-term or incoherent policy goals and elite-driven illiberal agendas are impeding good governance, anti-corruption efforts and further democratisation in some of CEE; none are exempt from government instability and rising nationalism. Impacts Instability in CEE is likely to discourage bold decisions on EU enlargement to North Macedonia and Albania. Economic malaise will make CEE governments less choosy regarding Chinese investments. An increasingly disenchanted public will be even more susceptible to internal and Russian disinformation campaigns.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-44
Author(s):  
Bilas Vlatka ◽  
Mile Bošnjak ◽  
Ivan Novak

The aim of this paper is to show the results of the innovation performance of the member states of the European Union. The most comprehensive insight into the innovation performance of countries is provided by the Global Index of Innovation, the Bloomberg Index of Innovation and the European Innovation Success Scale. These indices have different methodologies for calculating innovation performance of countries, and depending on the type of country index and methodology they produce different results. Comparative analysis of the innovation index has shown that, depending on the type of index and methodology of calculation, the leading countries of the world are Switzerland and South Korea, and the most innovative countries of the European Union are Sweden and the Netherlands. Nevertheless, according to all three indices and methodologies some European Union member states show weak innovation performance, such as Croatia, Bulgaria and Romania. The comparative analysis of the indices in question points to the weakest links of the economy that needs to be strengthened in order to improve the level of innovation and, consequently, competitiveness, which is why the listed results represent guiding and defining principles, guideline priorities and innovation policies measures.


2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Dobson ◽  
Irina Sennikova

The free movement of labour and the creation of a European Labour Market have been the objectives of the European Union since its creation, but it is only with the 2004 enlargement that this has started to become a reality, with substantial numbers of East European workers seeking employment in the old member states. This paper uses the data from the UK Worker Registration Scheme and that compiled by the European Commission to examine the nature of this movement and its impact on the economies of both the existing and the new member states.


2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Radosław Dziuba

At the beginning of the 1990s Poland, like the majority of the Central and East European countries (CEECs) undergoing transformations, overcame its initial distrust and began to recognize that the only path to regional stability and national economic growth was economic integration. The Central and Eastern European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA), signed by the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia on 21 December 1992 in Cracow, provided for the elimination of a number of trade barriers and the growth in commercial exchanges between the signatory nations, aimed at facilitating their integration with the European Union at a later stage. This article constitutes an attempt to assess the main effects of the implementation of CEFTA on the functioning of its member states as well as their further integration as Member States of the EU. It also presents the main provisions of the modernized CEFTA 2006, and the current problems related to implementation of the agreement. It also discusses the opportunities and prospects for Croatia, as a former CEFTA member state, upon its scheduled accession to the EU in July 2013. This article is intended as an introduction to further and deeper analysis in this area.


Author(s):  
Zoltan Barany

This chapter explains why politicians and generals in the six East European Warsaw Pact member states (Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Poland, Romania) and in China reacted to the upheavals and revolutions so differently. In particular, this chapter explains why senior officers in Poland and Hungary remained inactive during the transitions there, why the Bulgarian army leadership supported the “elite transfer” in Sofia, and how the top brass in Czechoslovakia and East Germany reacted to the mass demonstrations in their principal cities. The bulk of this chapter, however, is devoted to China and Romania, where bona fide uprisings—one failed, one successful—took place, and the armed forces did turn their guns against the people, albeit reluctantly and in very different circumstances.


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