army leadership
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Author(s):  
Тетяна Храбан ◽  
Олексій Сілко
Keyword(s):  

Мета статті – проаналізувати пріоритизацію лідерських компетенцій майбутніми офіцерами, через оцінку ними значення поведінкових стандартів для ефективного виконання місії та удосконалення структури військового формування. Респондентами були обрані курсанти, які навчаються у Військовому інституті телекомунікацій та інформатизації за спеціальністю «Військове управління», – майбутні офіцери по роботі з особовим складом. Кількість респондентів, які були обрані для участі в опитуванні, склала 50 осіб, серед них 37 чоловіків й 13 жінок. Основу діагностичного опитувальника склав перелік поведінкових стандартів як показників лідерських компетенцій, визначених у відповідності з Доктриною ADP 6-22 «Army Leadership and the Profession». Отримані результати вказують, що чільне місце у відповідях респондентів займає лідерська компетенція, яка проявляється у вмінні змусити підлеглих  вийти за рамки своїх особистих інтересів й працювати на загальне благо. Нами були встановлені певні гендерні відмінності у пріоритетах курсантів-жінок та курсантів-чоловіків. Так, курсанти-жінки вбачають розвиток лідерського потенціалу в пріоритизації компетенції управління людськими ресурсами, а саме – у володінні навичками ефективного спілкування і здатності зміцнювати довіру в колективі. При цьому лідерські компетенції розглядаються ними як результат прагнення до саморозвитку. Для курсантів-чоловіків визначальною є функціональна спрямованість лідерських компетенцій, оскільки вони розглядають лідерські поведінкові стандарти як практичні інструменти постановки і досягнення мети. Вони вважають, що між лідером та іншими членами групи має зберігатися певна дистанція, критерієм його ефективності служать не міжособистісні відносини з підлеглими, а виконання завдання, яке він повинен забезпечити. Курсанти обох статей демонструють інтегральний підхід до розуміння військового лідерства, яке поєднує парадигми командного духу і харизматичності особистості. Квінтесенція інтегрального підходу полягає в об’єднанні індивідуальної та командної природи лідерства, при якому реалізується іманентна потреба особистості в пошуках своєї ідентичності, коли індивідуальність схвалюється, і вміння підпорядковувати свої інтереси інтересам військової організації (місії)


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Paolo Rosi D'Avila ◽  
Fátima Bayma de Oliveira ◽  
Daniela Martins Diniz ◽  
Anderson De Souza Sant'Anna

The aim of this paper is to analyze the roles and profiles of military leaders required in the context of the Brazilian Army's peacekeeping mission in Haiti. Qualitative research is conducted in the context of the "United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti", from interviews with leaders of the Brazilian Army. The results reveal that the investigated context requires a relational and people-oriented leadership profile, including sensitive to emotional aspects, as well as leaders capable of recovering of collective. Therefore, the leadership authority derives more from the ability of social interaction than from the formal power. 


Author(s):  
P. Tkach ◽  

Fundamental documents regarding military leadership and strategic communications of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the USA were analysed in the article. It refers to the Development of Military Leadership in the Armed Forces of Ukraine Doctrine, Project of Strategic Communications Doctrine in NGU, Strategic Communications Doctrine (AFU), Army Leadership and the Profession: Army Doctrine Publication No. 6-22, Army Leadership: Competent, Confident, and Agile Field Manual No. 6-22. Based on the analysis that was carried out, it is clarified how military leadership is viewed in the sources mentioned. Thus, Field Manual No. 6-22 �Army Leadership: Competent, Confident, and Agile� defines, that an Army leader is anyone who by virtue of assumed role or assigned responsibility inspires and influences people to accomplish organizational goals. Army Doctrine Publication No. 6-22 �Army Leadership and the Profession� specifies leadership as the activity of influencing people by providing purpose, direction, and motivation to accomplish the mission and improve the organization. In the Doctrine of development of military leadership of the Armed Forces of Ukraine approved in December, 2020 leadership is considered as deliberate influence of the personnel of different ranks during everyday, official, learning and combat activities, �nd irregular (unusual, emergency) situations on the personnel by means of maintaining trust and respect, giving purpose, directing towards achieving it, providing discipline and motivation for performing tasks as intended and improving the Armed Forces as a social establishment. It is found out that in all above mentioned documents leadership is intertwined with influence and communication that define competencies of a modern military leader. The connection of leadership with strategic communications is considered in the article. The role of command in the creation of military leadership is defined. In particular, since one of the tasks of command within strategic communications is providing leadership of the military, and leadership reveals itself in the process of using effective methods of internal communications, it has been concluded that command is simultaneously a source of creation and tool for leadership . The article states that it seems urgent to raise the question of the definition of the notion of leadership for the National Guard of Ukraine, which would make it possible to define competencies required for the NGU officers. The suggestions regarding viable definition of the notion of leadership for the further validation of the military leadership framework within the National Guard of Ukraine activity are made.


2019 ◽  
pp. 177-207
Author(s):  
Geoffrey B. Robinson

This chapter argues that in the crucial six months after the alleged coup of October 1, 1965, Western powers encouraged the army to move forcefully against the Left, facilitated widespread violence including mass killings, and helped to consolidate the political power of the army. In doing so, they helped to bring about the political and physical destruction of the PKI and its affiliates, the removal of Sukarno and his closest associates from political power, their replacement by an army elite led by General Suharto, and a seismic shift in Indonesia's foreign policy toward the West and the capitalist model it advocated. The concerted campaign by foreign powers had three principal elements. The first was a pattern of secret assurances to the army leadership of political support and noninterference in Indonesia's internal affairs. The second was a sophisticated psychological warfare campaign designed to tarnish the PKI and Sukarno, and stir up opposition to them both inside Indonesia and abroad. The third element of the campaign was a carefully calibrated program of material assistance to the army, thereby facilitating and effectively rewarding the army's campaign against the PKI and Sukarno.


2019 ◽  
pp. 237-263
Author(s):  
Geoffrey B. Robinson

This chapter argues that the decision to release most political detainees was the result of a major international campaign undertaken by human rights organizations in the mid-1970s. That campaign succeeded in large part because it coincided with significant changes in global norms and attitudes pertaining to human rights as well as the position of the U.S. government, and came at a time when Indonesia was vulnerable to outside economic pressures. The chapter makes clear, however, that there was powerful resistance to the idea of releasing these prisoners—and an insistence on the continued need to protect the body politic from the “latent danger of Communism”—particularly on the part of the army leadership. As a consequence, even after prisoners were released, they and their families continued to suffer egregious restrictions, formal and informal, on every aspect of their lives. The formal restrictions continued until the end of the New Order in 1998, but the deep social and psychological legacies have lasted much longer. Finally, the chapter makes the case that the onerous restrictions on released prisoners were part of a more general obsession on the part of the New Order regime with creating and maintaining order, discipline, and stability.


2019 ◽  
pp. 208-236
Author(s):  
Geoffrey B. Robinson

This chapter examines the campaign of mass incarceration. This is done with a view to understanding why and how it occurred, how it was related to the mass killings of the same period, and what its consequences were for those detained. It argues that the campaign had three defining features: it was a highly organized program that entailed detailed planning and coordination at the national level; it was initiated and carried out by the army leadership and more specifically Suharto; and it bore striking similarities to campaigns of mass internment in other authoritarian contexts. The chapter also contends that mass incarceration and mass killing were integrally related in two ways: first, in the sense that most of those eventually killed were first detained, and second, that rates of long-term imprisonment were lower where the rates of killing were highest. Finally, it makes the case that in almost every respect, the campaign of mass incarceration was emblematic of the Suharto regime's hypermilitarism and obsession with “order.”


Author(s):  
Michael E. Lynch

Almond committed himself fully to any task, and such dedication would guide him through his next challenge: training and commanding black troops. No white officer sought this task, but having received the mission, Almond threw himself into it. Almond assumed command of the 92nd Infantry Division, an African American unit. Almond’s previous performance marked him as a successful officer and gave him the opportunity to command at division level. General Marshall had recognized that commanders of black troops must be selected with even greater care than others, and Almond believed he possessed the “knack” that Marshall required for such duty. The Army General Classification Test revealed that black soldiers had suffered from poor pre-war education, and this affected the division’s performance in combat. The problems caused by racially segregating units had started to become apparent to the white Army leadership and would become more so as the units progressed through training.


Author(s):  
Michael E. Lynch

After initial success, the 92nd had several failures in combat. Almond launched Operation FOURTH TERM with attacks along the Ligurian coast at the Cinquale Canal, and in the Serchio Valley where the units reportedly “melted away” under pressure for the GermansGeneral Marshall had given Almond the 92nd because he believed Almond could make black troops succeed if anyone could, but no one in the white Army leadership believed black units capable of success. Almond had lived by the adage that “units don’t fail, leaders do,” but he seemed to forget this following his division’s poor showing in February 1945. He insisted until his death that his black infantry had failed despite good leadership, but privately his role in the failure continued to trouble him and feed his insecurity. He would nurse that wound for the rest of his life, and it made his declarations on race increasingly vehement.


Subject Burkinabe insecurity. Significance Since the first insurgent attacks in 2015, the Burkinabe authorities have lost control over parts of several provinces, while the pace and geographical scope of attacks has markedly increased. Worsening security has prompted a recent government reshuffle, changes to the army command, increased security spending and troops being given additional powers. Coordinated offensives by the security forces in early February reportedly killed some 200 insurgents, while another 29 were allegedly killed in a subsequent operation later that month. Impacts As the military’s operations are increased, protection of local populations will come under growing scrutiny. Domestic and international concern may grow over whether secure polls can be held nationwide as scheduled in 2020. New security ministers and army leadership could prompt the start of major army reform, essential for improved operational effectiveness.


Keyword(s):  

Headline ALGERIA: Generals’ detention to weaken army leadership


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