Borda paradox in the 2017 Iranian presidential election: empirical evidence from opinion polls

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-113
Author(s):  
Mehdi Feizi ◽  
Rasoul Ramezanian ◽  
Saeed Malek Sadati

Subject The outlook for the October 4 parliamentary election. Significance The October 4 parliamentary election will be the first since Portugal exited its euro-area/IMF bailout. The poll launches a Portuguese electoral cycle which includes the January 2016 presidential election, and a series of parliamentary elections in euro-area post-bailout states, with Spain and Ireland to follow. Opinion polls suggest a tight race between the governing two-party centre-right alliance and the main opposition Socialists (PS), but -- in contrast to other bailout states -- no breakthrough by any new or radical force. Impacts Given the closeness of parties' opinion poll standings, the campaign period could be decisive. Whatever its make-up, the next government is likely to be committed to fiscal consolidation and Portugal's post-bailout obligations. An election win for Portugal's governing centre-right would be a pre-election fillip for its counterpart in Spain.


Significance Sandu, the pro-EU, reformist challenger, defied public opinion polls and early results to become the principal beneficiary of a large turnout among Moldovans abroad, almost twice those voting in the first-round 2016 presidential election. As neither scored over 50%, Sandu and Dodon will contest a second round on November 15. Impacts Electoral discourse around Moldova's external orientation will become more pointed. Dodon failed to anticipate a strong showing by a pro-Western and pro-reform diaspora. Practical voter mobilisation on both sides will be complicated by the pandemic.


1993 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 409-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Gelman ◽  
Gary King

As most political scientists know, the outcome of the American presidential election can be predicted within a few percentage points (in the popular vote), based on information available months before the election. Thus, the general campaign for president seems irrelevant to the outcome (except in very close elections), despite all the media coverage of campaign strategy. However, it is also well known that the pre-election opinion polls can vary wildly over the campaign, and this variation is generally attributed to events in the campaign. How can campaign events affect people's opinions on whom they plan to vote for, and yet not affect the outcome of the election? For that matter, why do voters consistently increase their support for a candidate during his nominating convention, even though the conventions are almost entirely predictable events whose effects can be rationally forecast?In this exploratory study, we consider several intuitively appealing, but ultimately wrong, resolutions to this puzzle and discuss our current understanding of what causes opinion polls to fluctuate while reaching a predictable outcome. Our evidence is based on graphical presentation and analysis of over 67,000 individual-level responses from forty-nine commercial polls during the 1988 campaign and many other aggregate poll results from the 1952–92 campaigns.We show that responses to pollsters during the campaign are not generally informed or even, in a sense we describe, ‘rational’. In contrast, voters decide, based on their enlightened preferences, as formed by the information they have learned during the campaign, as well as basic political cues such as ideology and party identification, which candidate to support eventually. We cannot prove this conclusion, but we do show that it is consistent with the aggregate forecasts and individual-level opinion poll responses. Based on the enlightened preferences hypothesis, we conclude that the news media have an important effect on the outcome of presidential elections – not through misleading advertisements, sound bites, or spin doctors, but rather by conveying candidates' positions on important issues.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 27-37
Author(s):  
Iris Laudith Solano Cahuana

This article contributes to the empirical evidence for women’s scarcity in academic governance. The study evaluates to what extend women lean towards non-management careers and dismiss opportunities to attain executive roles in Colombian public universities, as well as the support received when they break the paradigm. The purpose was to determine whether gendered practices are ingrained in the designation process or whether women’s scarcity is the outcome of individual attributes/choices and collective perceptions of inadequacy. Data was collected from universities’ proceedings, opinion polls of rectors’ designations, and candidates’ curricula. Findings show low female candidacy rate but high public support for female candidates to the rector’s seat among all universities examined. Also, curricula’s in-depth analyses display women’s preference for male-dominated careers and analogous academic/administrative experience to that of male candidates. Hence, the results challenge explanations presented by human capital and congruity prejudice theories, while leaning towards gendered processes and identities.


Subject A profile of Alberto Fernandez. Significance The ample victory scored by the opposition Frente de Todos in the August 11 primaries appears irreversible. With only days to go before the presidential election, its candidate Alberto Fernandez holds a 20-percentage-point lead over incumbent President Mauricio Macri in opinion polls. Impacts Fernandez will enjoy a honeymoon period that Macri would not, but his policy options will nonetheless be limited. His experience as a political negotiator could stand him in good stead in seeking consensus. Investors will not move on debt restructuring talks until the election result is clear.


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