Does democracy or personal freedom affect the flow and return of IS foreign fighters?

Author(s):  
Moamen Gouda ◽  
Shimaa Hanafy
2010 ◽  
Vol 2010 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Ralf Becker

The article examines the relationship between freedom, guilt and responsibility in Dostojewski’s and Sartre’s works. Both attribute a great measure of personal freedom to man. Therefore, they do not tolerate excuses. Whoever is free, carries responsibility and gets caught up in guilt. Dostojewski’s focus is mainly on guilt, Sartre’s is on responsibility. They share the conviction that we can delegate responsibility for our actions or our way of living neither to a whole, of which we are a part, like society (the ,milieu'), nor to a part, for which we are the whole, like the ,brain' or the ,genes'. In that sense, Dostojewski’s and Sartre’s attempts at an ethic of responsibility also offer convincing arguments against determinism.


Author(s):  
Stefano Evangelista

Oscar Wilde associated ancient Greece and modern France as the homelands of artistic autonomy and personal freedom. France and the French language were crucial in his adoption of a cosmopolitan identity in which his close emotional and intellectual engagement with the ancient world also played a key role. His practices of classical reception therefore have roots in the French as well as English traditions. Wilde’s attitude towards ancient Greece initially shows the influence of French Parnassian poetry. As time goes on, however, he starts to engage with the new images of the ancient world promoted by Decadence and Symbolism, which sidelined the Greek classicism idealized by the Parnassians in favour of Hellenistic and Latin antiquity. Particularly important to Wilde were his exchanges with French Symbolist authors Marcel Schwob and Pierre Louÿs, whose writings on Hellenistic Greece are in dialogue with Wilde’s works, notably ‘The Critic as Artist’ and Salomé.


Author(s):  
Carlota Rigotti ◽  
Júlia Zomignani Barboza

Abstract The return of foreign fighters and their families to the European Union has mostly been considered a security threat by member States, which consequently adopt repressive measures aimed at providing an immediate, short-term response to this perceived threat. In addition to this strong-arm approach, reintegration strategies have also been used to prevent returnees from falling back into terrorism and to break down barriers of hostility between citizens in the long term. Amidst these different strategies, this paper seeks to identify which methods are most desirable for handling returnees.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-177
Author(s):  
Adam Potočňák ◽  
Miroslav Mareš
Keyword(s):  

1998 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Vernon

Democrats sometimes wonder why liberalism, as a theory which values choice, should seek to restrict democratic choices by limiting the political agenda. This article tries to answer this question by emphasizing a value which is common to liberal and democratic arguments: that as far as possible states should rest on persuasion rather than compulsion. On this basis, it is argued that personal and political choice situations are not analogous, that not all the arguments for personal freedom are exhausted by the arguments for fair democratic procedure, that it is not irrational to fear that one might be in an unpersuaded minority, and that even democratic political outcomes cannot be substituted for personal conclusions. Some democratic theories do not accept the value assumed here: but they pay too high a price.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 539-573
Author(s):  
Marnie Lloydd

This paper takes as its starting point the question of whether and to what extent States may have an international legal obligation towards other States to seek to prevent those within their jurisdiction from travelling abroad to fight with a non-State armed group in a foreign armed conflict. While there is a strong basis for such due diligence obligations regarding the prevention of terrorist activity, including Security Council Resolution 2178 (2014) on ‘foreign terrorist fighters’, the scope of responsibility is less clear regarding broader categories of foreigners participating in civil war, despite a long history of foreign volunteers in armed conflict. In this paper, I present a reading of two possible resolutions in international law to the question posed by this ‘other’ foreign fighting and explore the tensions between them. The first is based on State responsibility, sovereign equality, and diligent prevention of harm; the second on a more contextual reading of human rights considerations and global justice. The tensions surrounding ‘other’ foreign fighters provide a practical example of the oscillation between a reliance on the consent of States and a notion of the collective good in international legal argument. Acknowledging the practical reliance of States on these interlacing perspectives in different times and contexts, I suggest the importance of stepping back and slowing down to look beyond today’s predominant but narrower and rushed, focus on counter-terrorism approaches to take account of the key themes that have shaped the legal discourse and practice regarding a broader historical range of foreign volunteering in armed conflict.


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