scholarly journals Analyzing trade opening in Ukraine: effects of a customs union with the EU

2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 221-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oksana Harbuzyuk ◽  
Stefan Lutz
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Timothy Lyons QC

In the previous two chapters we have looked at the basic sources of customs law created autonomously by the EU which are central to the customs union. We now turn to those sources of customs law which have been established or negotiated by the EU to govern its relationship with third countries—arrangements, agreements, and conventions which, as well as being concerned with customs law, implement the EU’s external relations policy, particularly in relation to trade and development.


2021 ◽  
pp. 300-321
Author(s):  
Margot Horspool ◽  
Matthew Humphreys ◽  
Michael Wells-Greco

This chapter introduces the law on the free movement of goods in the EU. It discusses the following: the customs union; the free movement of goods provisions in the TFEU; customs duties and common customs tariffs; charges having equivalent effect to a customs duty, and charges falling within the scope of internal taxation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 55 (No. 12) ◽  
pp. 583-595 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Bašek ◽  
J. Kraus

The objective of the paper is to assess how the Czech agricultural sector has withstood keen competition in the EU single market as measured by the basic indicators of foreign trade exchange. The impacts expressed by the indicators of active and/or adverse balance of trade were monitored for the post-accession period (the average of the years 2005–2007) in comparison with the pre-accession period (the average of the years 2001–2003). The assessment of the impacts of the accession to the EU is based on an analysis of the commodity and territorial structure of Czech agricultural foreign trade. The comparison of agricultural balance before and after the accession to the EU for our major trading partners shows that the active balance of the CR with Slovakia increased to 12.0 billion CZK per year; on the contrary, in relation to Poland, the trade deficit of 6.4 billion CZK per year was recorded while Germany strengthened its position in relation to the CR by an increase in the negative balance to 5.4 billion CZK and in relation to Austria, our adverse balance is maintained at the level of 1.1 to 1.2 billion CZK per year for a long time. After the accession to the EU, it was confirmed that the former EU 15 countries took a greater advantage of the customs union enlargement in the framework of the EU 27.


Significance This followed a landmark speech on January 17 in which she added more clarity and detail to her previous stance on the United Kingdom’s departure from the EU. May indicated a willingness to leave the single market, strongly implied that the United Kingdom would not be part of the customs union in its current form and asserted that she would rather quit the EU with no permanent or transitional deal agreed than accept an arrangement which limited the United Kingdom’s future freedom of action. Impacts The government is likely to meet its preferred timetable for triggering Article 50 even if it has to obtain approval from parliament. The United Kingdom will probably lose its passporting rights, which allow UK-based banks to sell their products across the EEA. Paris and Frankfurt will probably benefit as banks may seek to move some of their staff out of London.


Significance Turkey's faltering EU accession process looks more at risk than ever, following Enlargement Commissioner Johannes Hahn's warning that Ankara had "clearly chosen to move away from Europe, not closer to it". Hahn was presenting the European Commission's 2016 Enlargement Package, which is much more critical of Turkey than of the six Western Balkans countries that are either accession candidates like Turkey or potential candidates. Yet when it comes to terminating Turkey's candidacy, both the Turkish and EU authorities want the other to make the move. In the short term, some EU capitals fear a wave of migrants should Ankara stop cooperating in policing the Aegean; in the longer term, Turkey's economy could suffer. Impacts The EU's interest in Western Balkan security, stability and prosperity will keep enlargement to these countries on track, at least formally. However, the Dutch referendum vote against Ukraine's association agreement shows popular feeling spreading in the EU against enlargement. Turkey's customs union with the EU underpins its recent economic upturn; it is hard to see it continuing without the prospect of membership. Resumed use of the East Mediterranean route depends on Turkey but also on migrants' hopes of being able to cross borders further north.


Author(s):  
Andrey N. Spartak

The article reviews history and contemporary state of such an economic and trade policy phenomenon as regionalism. Three consecutive stages of regionalization are identified. First stage – prehistory of regionalism – lasted from the middle of the XIX century till 1940-s and was characterized by the formation of bilateral customs unions in Europe with strong political motivation. Second stage – classic regionalism – covers the second part of the XX century and is mostly determined by integration processes in the European region, creation of the EEC and then the EU, organization of a big number of alliances among developing countries mainly in the form of customs union following the EU example and some trade blocs between developed economies beyond the EU (i.a. NAFTA). In this period special disciplines for RTA’s were elaborated under the framework of GATT/WTO. Third stage – globalizing networking regionalism – gained momentum at the start of 2000-s and continues, with certain reservations, till nowadays. Contemporary regionalism has qualitative distinctions from regionalism of the past century. Besides fast and universal, covering all regions and subregions of the world, growth of RTA’s number, their agenda is widening and deepening significantly going far beyond WTO. We could also witness increasing frequency of interregional and transcontinental RTA’s, as well as RTA’s with participation of trade blocks, including interbloc RTA’s. Peculiarity of the current decade is the appearance of a considerable number of RTA’s parties to which represent large and largest world economies, and that was not the case before. But the principal shift is related to the formation of megaregional trade agreements with ambitious, prointegration agenda. New generation RTA’s, containing wide regulatory garmonization agenda and suggesting increasing institutional homogenity of participating economies, de facto promote alternative vis-à-vis classic approach model for the creation of common economic space, though without supranational elements. Nowaday regionalism is definitely drifting towards megaregionalism – the higher stage of regionalization process. Politics of the new American administration and Brexit, which stimulated deglobalization and isolationist tendencies in part of Western world, in practice have only led to some regrouping and deceleration of certain megaregional projects followed by enhancing China’s position on the track of megaregionalism (RCEP, Belt and Road, megaproject with accompanying RTA’s, latest BRICS+ and BRICS++ initiative). Megaregionalism, under any scenario, will exert deep influence on the world trading system and the WTO. In certain conditions megaregional agreements could serve as the foundation for the emergence of new and by large universal system of global management in the sphere of international trade and economic cooperation either as a WTO plus arrangement or in some other form. But this needs long-lasting preparatory interaction for the convergence and finding common denominators between quite different megaprojects as regards their scope and depth.


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