The EU's Transformative Power in Albania

South-Eastern Europe has always been a vital region with continuous socio-political changes. After the fall of communism and the wars that accompanied the disintegration of Yugoslavia, countries in the region turned towards the European Union. Upon signing the SAA, the countries of the Western Balkans, such as Albania, have had a green light to move forward in the EU's pre-accession process. As Albania works toward membership, how do domestic political actors in Albania (not) change their with agendas according to EU requirements? This chapter will address the puzzle of the transformative power of EU's conditionality in main political parties in Albania.

The Balkan Migration Route

The purpose of the chapter is to assess and link the issues of migration flows with the accession process of the Balkan countries and the European Union enlargement policy. The chapter argues that despite the recent changes in the EU commission's policy towards the candidate countries there is more to be done to foster the process and encourage domestic reforms in the countries. The chapter examines the process of migration along the Balkan migration route from 2001 till 2021 and its influence on the European Union policy and the policy of Balkan countries. The author links the issue of migration flows with the accession process of the Balkan countries, traces the connection between the issue of migration flows with the European Union enlargement, and analyzes the legal steps taken by the EU and the countries of the region in order to control the process of migration.

From a Star Pupil to a Troubling Role Model for the Western Balkans

This chapter examines the phenomenon of backsliding in the post-accession process of Europeanisation in Slovenia as one of the Central and Eastern European member states of the EU. It seeks to explain the rise of compliance problems with the EU's values (i.e., de-Europeanisation) in Slovenia, which turned a former EU star pupil into a troublesome member state. The chapter analyses sources of economic and democratic backsliding in times of polycrises in the EU that stem from the state's domestic environment and confirms the determining role of decision-makers over the political system. Given the importance and widely shared image of Slovenia as a role model for the candidate states in the Western Balkans, the chapter also addresses the potential impact of Slovenia's de-Europeanisation turn for its role as a bridge between the EU and the Western Balkans region.

Returning Home: The Ambivalent Assyrian Experience in Turkey

Discrimination and precarious living conditions in Tur Abdin, in southeastern Turkey, prompted Assyrians, indigenous Christian ethnic people to the country, to leave their homeland for Europe in the early 1960s. The process of migration continued for several decades and intensified with the militarization of the eastern provinces during the fight against the Kurdish PKK. Many Assyrian villages had to be abandoned. With an appeal formulated in a circular letter by Turkey’s then Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit in 2001, the Turkish government encouraged Assyrians abroad to return to their former homeland, assuring them that their security and rights as citizens would be guaranteed by the state. At the beginning of the new millennium, the situation in Tur Abdin seemed noticeably improved. The end of the state of emergency in the eastern provinces and the application of rule of law in the wake of the reforms in the context of EU accession process contributed to this. Many of the Assyrians who emigrated re-visited their former villages, but also tried to rebuild churches and their mostly dilapidated houses. Clarification of ownership of land and properties after occupation and changes of legal basis became a key issue.

RELEVANT ACTORS AND INTERDEPENDENCES IN REGIONAL SECURITY: EU-TURKEY RELATIONSHIP

The EU-Turkey relationship finds its basis in the EU Enlargement Policy, which is one of the organisation’s most important foreign policy instruments. Thus, the integration of a relevant actor such as Turkey gains important regional connotations, with one of Turkey’s gains in this relationship being the access to the EU single market. Although the beginning of the relationship seemed promising, its subsequent development is governed by countless divergences and tensions, the result reached so far being eloquent: of the 35 chapters negotiated for accession only 16 were opened, of which only one was provisionally closed. This article aims to highlight the relationship between the two actors, with the effort being directed towards analysing Turkey’s EU accession process. Through a critical analysis of the literature, statements and official documents devoted to the subject, the article provides an overview of the accession process and presents some ideas on the advantages that both actors can gain from this relationship. Subsequently, some opinions are issued on the evolution of the EUTurkey relationship, concluding that in the near future we cannot expect Turkey to fully integrate into the EU.

From Ankara Agreement to Helsinki Summit: Turkey’s Accession Process to the EU

Turkey's EU membership process began in 1963 with the signing of the Ankara Agreement. The Customs Union was established on January 1, 1996, after Turkey's candidacy for full membership in the EU was rejected in 1989. Turkey's success in this process, as well as the fact that the EU accepted numerous states from Central and Eastern Europe until the 1990s, encouraged Turkey's attempts to join the EU as a full member. Problems developed in relations during the 1997 Luxembourg Summit as a result of Turkey's special political situation in comparison to the other candidate states, but progress was achieved in Turkey's membership process at the 1998 Cardiff Summit. As a consequence, Turkey was approved as a candidate state to the EU on the same level as other candidate countries at the Helsinki Summit in 1999. Turkey was expected to create a National Program for the adoption of the EU acquis in accordance with the Copenhagen criteria, which were approved in 1993. At the summit, it was agreed that accession talks with Turkey would begin after Turkey had met all of the Copenhagen requirements. On March 19, 2001, the Council of Ministers approved the National Program created for this aim. The implementation of the EU acquis by Turkey, as well as the process of negotiating for EU membership, will be addressed and analyzed in this research.

From Ankara Agreement to Helsinki Summit: Turkey’s Accession Process to the EU

Turkey's EU membership process began in 1963 with the signing of the Ankara Agreement. The Customs Union was established on January 1, 1996, after Turkey's candidacy for full membership in the EU was rejected in 1989. Turkey's success in this process, as well as the fact that the EU accepted numerous states from Central and Eastern Europe until the 1990s, encouraged Turkey's attempts to join the EU as a full member. Problems developed in relations during the 1997 Luxembourg Summit as a result of Turkey's special political situation in comparison to the other candidate states, but progress was achieved in Turkey's membership process at the 1998 Cardiff Summit. As a consequence, Turkey was approved as a candidate state to the EU on the same level as other candidate countries at the Helsinki Summit in 1999. Turkey was expected to create a National Program for the adoption of the EU acquis in accordance with the Copenhagen criteria, which were approved in 1993. At the summit, it was agreed that accession talks with Turkey would begin after Turkey had met all of the Copenhagen requirements. On March 19, 2001, the Council of Ministers approved the National Program created for this aim. The implementation of the EU acquis by Turkey, as well as the process of negotiating for EU membership, will be addressed and analyzed in this research.

Bosnia’s Perpetual Purgatory: The Inability to Fulfill EU Accession Requirements

This paper argues that Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) should not begin the European Union’s accession process, and should instead remain on the ‘potential candidates’ list due to their continuous inability to meet the EU acquis. While some progress was made in 2020 towards meeting this goal, such as moderate candidate victories in the November election (over the reigning populist politicians) and the first elections being held in Mostar in December, BiH has failed to address the root of the issues. By examining the European Commission reports for BiH and researching the historical context surrounding the flawed state institutions, the following conclusion was determined. Due to BiH’s failure to comply with EU accession’s political, legal, and economic requirements, they are unable to be considered for induction, and the status quo should remain. Instead, the EU should foster methods of reconciliation for the three ethnic groups that dominate Bosnian society to help build consensus and foster compromise to fulfill accession requirements.