scholarly journals Populism and the double liberalism: exploring the links

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Joppke
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Economic Inequalities

AbstractThe rise of populism in the West is often depicted as opposition to a “double liberalism”, which is economic and cultural in tandem. In this optic, neoliberalism and multiculturalism are allied under a common liberal regime that prescribes “openness”, while populism rallies against both under the flag of “closure”. This paper questions the central assumptions of this scenario: first, that neoliberalism and multiculturalism are allies; and, secondly, that populism is equally opposed to neoliberalism and to multiculturalism. With respect to the alliance hypothesis, it is argued that only a diluted version of multiculturalism, in terms of diversity and antidiscrimination, is compatible with neoliberalism, which also needs to be sharply distinguished from liberalism. With respect to the dual opposition hypothesis, it is argued that the economic inequalities generated by neoliberalism may objectively condition populist revolts, but that these inequalities are not centrally apprehended and addressed in their programs; furthermore, it is argued that the rejection of multiculturalism indeed is central to populist mobilization, but that the two have important things in common, not least that both are variants of identity politics, if incompatible ones.

“Wild West,” “Gangster,” and “Desperado” Feelings: The Perception of the “West” in Youth Subcultures in Hungary in the 1960s

2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 180-198
Author(s):  
Sándor Horváth
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Cultural Practice ◽  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
Moral Panics ◽  
The West ◽  
Official Discourse ◽  
Youth Cultures ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Youth Subcultures ◽  
The 1960S

AbstractThe images of the “modern youth” and moral panics concerning the youth as a metaphor played an important part in the identity construction process throughout Cold War Europe. For Hungarian youth the West represented the land of promise and desires, albeit their knowledge of the Western other was highly limited and controlled by the socialist state. But how did the partly unknown West and its “folk devils” become the objects of desire in the East? For Western youngsters it seemed to be easier to realize their cultural preferences, however, youth cultures of the sixties were represented in the transnational discourses as manifestations of intra-generational, parent–adolescent conflicts not only in the Eastern Bloc, but also in Western democracies. The perception of the parent–child conflict became a cornerstone of the studies on the sixties, and the youth studies represented youth subcultures as “countercultures.” This paper addresses the role of the official discourse in the construction of “youth cultures” which lies at the heart of identity politics concerning youngsters. It looks at some of the youth subcultures which emerged in socialist Hungary and, in particular how “Eastern” youth perceived “the West,” and how their desires concerning the “Western cultures” were represented in the official discourse. It also seeks to show that borders created in the mind between “East” and “West” worked not only in the way that the “iron curtain” did, but it also became a cultural practice to create social identities following the patterns of Eastern and Western differentiation in the socialist countries.

Postliberal Politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 35.5 ◽  
pp. 200-222
Author(s):  
Adrian Pabst
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Personality Development ◽  
Civil Liberty ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Mutual Arrangement ◽  
The West ◽  
Strong Point ◽  
Liberal Ideology ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Right

The present article consists of key extracts from the recently published Adrian Pabst’s book “Postliberal Politics. The Coming Era of Renewal” (2021). According to the author, stability in the West faces the challenges of left and right populism. And if left populism hasn’t survived the trial by real elections, the right populism is quite successful in removing liberal elites from power. At the same time the strong point of the right populism is the provision of a political program, but its weakness is in the absence of any concepts or political instruments for transitions implementation. But forces, - the ultraliberal left and anti-liberal right, - develop various types of identity politics thus undermining the cultural and civilizational fundamental aspects of the West and the feelings of common goal and common destiny. The author opposes those extremes with postliberalism – non-uniform ideological movement directed at overcoming the contradictions of the deadlocked liberal ideology that is characterized by the rise of both left and right populism. According to Adrian Pabst, postliberalism acknowledges the failure of liberal projects and at the same time the necessity to preserve the most valuable liberal aspects in new form. Liberalism with its multiple trends is not beyond hope and some institutions it created are worth preserving. Still liberal ideology lead to the situation when freedom once alienated from self-restraint and mutual obligations turned into unfreedom. Self-destruction of liberal values such as freedom, equality, tolerance and pluralism demonstrates abnormalities that at once distort liberal principles and show liberal ideology logic. Postliberalism is intended to cut short those defects. In particular, postliberal ideology proceeds from acknowledging that the society is based not on some non-personal social contract between individuals as claimed by the liberals from the times of Hobbes and Locke, but appeared as the result of mutual arrangement between generations. Civil liberty does not man freedom from obligations or freedom for the sake of egoistical interests, but liberty to take care of oneself and others. Personality development based on personal independence should be balanced by common well-being. Equality does not mean uniformity but respect for integral virtue. Individual rights should not be downgraded but should be specific and relative due to their connection with obligations towards other people. Postliberalism in this interpretation endeavors to preserve the best gains of liberal ideology while eliminating the threat of blunt authoritarianism that is always concealed in liberal logic.

scholarly journals Gratitude Needs a Giver: Why Political Science Needs Intelligent Design

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 181
Author(s):  
Brian G. Mattson
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Intelligent Design ◽  
John Calvin ◽  
Western Civilization ◽  
Classical Liberalism ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
The West ◽  
Christian Doctrine ◽  
Nationalism And Identity

This article presents Jonah Goldberg’s Suicide of the West: How the Rebirth of Tribalism, Populism, Nationalism, and Identity Politics Is Destroying American Democracy. Classical liberalism is under renewed attack from many directions. Many of its most notable defenders claim that the liberal order has no need of distinctively Christian theological resources. This essay scrutinizes that claim and argues for the necessity of a Christian doctrine of providence. KEYWORDS: God, gratitude, Jonah Goldberg, J. Gresham Machen, political science, Western civilization, providence, historicism, John Calvin

The politics of identity and recognition in the ‘global art world’

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Ring Petersen
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Art World ◽  
Politics Of Identity ◽  
The West ◽  
Western Art ◽  
The Status ◽  
To Come ◽  
Global Art

Questions of cultural identity and the status of non-Western artists in the West have been important to the discourses on the interrelations between contemporary art, migration and globalisation for at least two decades. Chapter 2 considers the connections between the critical discourse on cultural identity, the globalisation of the art world and the adoption of multicultural policies by Western art institutions. It critically engages with the British discourse on ‘New Internationalism’ in the 1990s as well as the wider and more recent discourse on ‘global art’. It is argued that discussions from the last twenty-five years have not only made it clear that institutional multiculturalism is not the answer to the challenge of attaining genuine recognition of non-Western artists in the West, but also revealed that the critical discourse on identity politics has not been able to come up with solutions, either. In fact, it is marred by the same binary thinking and mechanisms of exclusion that it aims to deconstruct. Chapter 2 concludes with two suggestions to how we can get beyond the deadlock of the critical discourse on identity politics.

scholarly journals Hukum Islam, HAM dan Maqashidu Asy-Syari’ah: Upaya Menyatukan Jasad dan Ruh

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-133
Author(s):  
Nahe’i
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
It Support ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time

One debate that will not be finished is a debate about the relationship between human rights and Islam. Even though the Cairo Declaration was established which declared human rights in Islam and also declared the efforts to transform human rights into the National Law. It does not end, especially among "conservative Muslims". There are several questions regarding that debate, they are, are human rights contradict to Islam because it is the product and agenda of the West? Or is it support to Islam? Or is it precisely the substance of Islam itself? These questions have arisen along with the strengthening of populism, identity politics, and politicization of religion (ad-din al-musayyas). This paper tries to look at human rights within the framework of maqhashidus syari'ah, because the compatibility of human rights and Islam can be seen only by this approach. Maqhashidus syari’ah here is a concept that developed over time in line with changes in human civilization. This paper assumes that there are some points where human rights and Islam can be connected, but there are also some points difficult to be connected.

Power and Identity: Politics and Ideology in Latin America

1984 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. G. Merquior
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Third World ◽  
International Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
The Third ◽  
Rio Bravo ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Cultural Components

TO THE AVERAGE EUROPEAN CONCERNED WITH, OR SIMPLY curious about, international politics and the Third World predicament, Latin America is a glaring compound of violent Machtpolitik, rampant demography and collective soul-searching. Uneasily torn between Western loyalties and the dismal realities of underdevelopment, the huge continent from Rio Bravo to Patagonia keeps featuring as the unhappy part of America – indeed, of the whole West (for Latin America, unlike Africa, is not just a lost possession of the West – rather, it is a Western projection, for all the obvious significance of its non-Western ethnic and cultural components).

scholarly journals EDWARD SAID'S INTELLECTUAL LEGACY IN THE ARAB WORLD

2004 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 76-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabry Hafez
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Academic Career ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Cultural Influences ◽  
Final Analysis ◽  
The West ◽  
Speaking Truth To Power ◽  
Intellectual Legacy

This article discusses Edward Said's intellectual legacy in the Arab world. After examining Said's own cultural influences, the trajectory of his early academic career in America, and his ““re-orientation”” towards his Arab identity and culture following the 1967 war, the author focuses on the reception of his works in Arab intellectual circles. Though Orientalism was initially misperceived through the frame of identity politics, his theoretical writings exerted a steadily growing impact on Arab criticism, particularly by offering a way out of its methodological dependency on the West. The author suggests that Said's final role as an oppositional intellectual ““speaking truth to power,”” which reached beyond the Arab intelligentsia to a broader audience, may in the final analysis be his most lasting contribution.

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