Decomposing the feminine suffixes of Modern Hebrew: a morpho-syntactic analysis

Morphology ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 409-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noam Faust
2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (s41) ◽  
pp. 89-115
Author(s):  
Einat Gonen

Abstract This paper presents a diachronic study of Modern Hebrew agreement between numerals and their quantified nouns. This research is possible thanks to the discovery of two rare collections of recordings from the 1950s and 1960s, which document four generations of speakers and have become important sources of spoken Early Modern Hebrew. On the basis of these two corpora, I compare numeral agreement in the first two generations of speakers with present-day usage and analyze trends of change and conversation in Modern Hebrew. The study shows that the first generation of speakers (“Gen1”) largely acquired the gender distinction of cardinals. However, in contrast to other agreement issues that educated Gen1 speakers realized fully, numeral use showed variation and absence of agreement in a small set of cases. Moreover, some linguistic features of Gen1 Hebrew found in this study no longer characterize Present-Day Hebrew; among these features is prosodic conditioning, which led to a Gen1 tendency to use the feminine form of the numeral ‘four’ with masculine nouns more frequently than was the case with other numerals.


2008 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irit Meir

AbstractThe morphological system of cardinal numerals in Modern Hebrew is currently undergoing rapid changes, enabling linguists to unravel the forces shaping the change as it takes place. In the free forms, gender marking on numerals is neutralized by collapsing both masculine and feminine forms into one paradigm, the feminine paradigm. In the bound (definite) forms, an opposite direction is attested, in that at least for some numerals, the masculine forms become more prevalent. The study reported here aims to determine whether the factor determining the change is prosodic or functional in nature, by eliciting production and grammaticality judgments of noun phrases containing bound numerals from five different age groups of native speakers. The results suggest that prosody plays a role in shaping the change, as forms with penultimate stress are favored over those with ultimate stress. In addition, processes of production and processes of grammaticality judgments seem to be subject to different kinds of constraints. This state of affairs indicates that the tension between the tendencies toward simplification on the one hand and maximal distinctness on the other occurs at the morphological level as well.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Einat Gonen ◽  
Doron Rubinstein

Classical Hebrew, as well as Modern Hebrew, distinguishes between the genders of nouns, and every noun, whether or not it is animate, is characterized as masculine or feminine. However in colloquial Modern Hebrew we witness a process of neutralization. In this paper we address one aspect of gender neutralization in Hebrew: the case of the numerals in colloquial Hebrew. The use of numerals in spoken Modern Hebrew is varied, and many speakers do not regularly distinguish numerals according to the grammatical gender of the modified noun, but rather use the unmarked ‘neutral’ form of the numeral, which in Hebrew is typically the feminine form. The object of this paper is to study gender agreement between Modern Hebrew numerals and the nouns they modify in a corpus of casual spoken Hebrew discourse. Previous studies have argued, within a variety of methodologies and frameworks, for a gradual ongoing neutralization of the gender distinction of numerals in this environment. In our research, we will explore the conditions and the scope of this neutralization. This study is based on the collection of recordings in the CoSIH “Corpus of Spoken Israeli Hebrew”, and it analyzes the various usages of the numerals in this corpus. It presents the scope and nature of the neutralization process in colloquial Hebrew and shows that although there is a bias towards neutralization, this bias is not absolute and depends on particular circumstances.


1995 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shuly Wintner ◽  
Uzzi Ornan

AbstractDue to recent developments in the area of computational formalisms for linguistic representation, the task of designing a parser for a specified natural language is now shifted to the problem of designing its grammar in certain formal ways. This paper describes the results of a project whose aim was to design a formal grammar for modern Hebrew. Such a formal grammar has never been developed before. Since most of the work on grammatical formalisms was done without regarding Hebrew (and other Semitic languages as well), we had to choose a formalism that would best fit the specific needs of the language. This part of the project has been described elsewhere. In this paper we describe the details of the grammar we developed. The grammar deals with simple, subordinate and coordinate sentences as well as interrogative sentences. Some structures were thoroughly dealt with, among which are noun phrases, verb phrases, adjectival phrases, relative clauses, object and adjunct clauses; many types of adjuncts; subcategorization of verbs; coordination; numerals, etc. For each phrase the parser produces a description of the structure tree of the phrase as well as a representation of the syntactic relations in it. Many examples of Hebrew phrases are demonstrated, together with the structure the parser assigns them. In cases where more than one parse is produced, the reasons of the ambiguity are discussed.


Author(s):  
Nurit Melnik

Modern Hebrew is considered to be a 'partial pro-drop language'. Traditionally, the distinction between cases where pro-drop is licensed and those in which it is prohibited, was based on the person and tense features of the verb: 1st and 2nd person pronominal subjects may be omitted in past and future tense. This generalization, however, was found to be false in a number of papers, each discussing a subset of the data. Thus, contrary to conventional wisdom, dropped 3rd person pronouns subjects do occur in the language in particular contexts. Identifying these contexts by way of a corpus-based survey is the initial step taken in this study. Subsequently, a careful syntactic analysis of the data reveals broad generalizations which have not been made to date. Thus, what was initially assumed to be a uniform phenomenon of 3rd person pro-drop turns out to be manifested in three distinct types of constructions. Finally, the proposed HPSG-based analysis incorporates insights concerning locality, correlations between finite and non-finite control, non-canonical elements, and binding.


Author(s):  
Lisa von Stockhausen ◽  
Sara Koeser ◽  
Sabine Sczesny

Past research has shown that the gender typicality of applicants’ faces affects leadership selection irrespective of a candidate’s gender: A masculine facial appearance is congruent with masculine-typed leadership roles, thus masculine-looking applicants are hired more certainly than feminine-looking ones. In the present study, we extended this line of research by investigating hiring decisions for both masculine- and feminine-typed professional roles. Furthermore, we used eye tracking to examine the visual exploration of applicants’ portraits. Our results indicate that masculine-looking applicants were favored for the masculine-typed role (leader) and feminine-looking applicants for the feminine-typed role (team member). Eye movement patterns showed that information about gender category and facial appearance was integrated during first fixations of the portraits. Hiring decisions, however, were not based on this initial analysis, but occurred at a second stage, when the portrait was viewed in the context of considering the applicant for a specific job.


1995 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 329-330
Author(s):  
Clayton P. Alderfer

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