The end of the post-colonial era: The transformation in Israeli media law on the State’s 70th anniversary

AbstractWomen’s activism within various ethnic groups in Nigeria dates back to the pre-colonial era, with notable heroic leaders, like Moremi of Ife, Amina of Zaria, Emotan of Benin, Funmilayo Kuti, Margaret Ekpo and many others. The participation of Nigerian women in the Beijing Conference of 1995 led to a stronger voice for women in the political landscape. Several women’s rights groups have sprung up in the country over the years. Notable among them are the Federation of Nigerian Women’s Societies (FNWS), Women in Nigeria (WIN), Kudirat Initiative for Democracy (KIND) and Female in Nigeria (FIN). However, majority have failed to actualize significant political, social or economic growth. This paper examines the challenges and factors leading to their inability to live up to people’s expectations. Guided by patriarchy and liberal feminism theories, this paper utilizes both historical and descriptive methods to examine these factors. The paper argues that a lack of solidarity among women’s groups, financial constraints, unfavourable political and social practices led to the inability of women’s groups in Nigeria to live up to the envisaged expectations. The paper concludes that, for women’s activist groups to survive in Nigeria, a quiet but significant social revolution is necessary among women. Government should also formulate and implement policies that will empower women politically, economically and socially.

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Colonial Education, Political Elites, and Regional Political Inequality in Africa

Comparative Political Studies ◽

10.1177/0010414021997176 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 001041402199717

Author(s):

Joan Ricart-Huguet

Keyword(s):

Political Elites ◽

Colonial Education ◽

Short Term ◽

Colonial Era ◽

Political Inequality ◽

Post Colonial ◽

Strategic Bargaining ◽

Recruitment Practices ◽

Colonial Legacies ◽

Home Region

Political elites tend to favor their home region when distributing resources. But what explains how political power is distributed across a country’s regions to begin with? Explanations of cabinet formation focus on short-term strategic bargaining and some emphasize that ministries are allocated equitably to minimize conflict. Using new data on the cabinet members (1960–2010) of 16 former British and French African colonies, I find that some regions have been systematically much more represented than others. Combining novel historical and geospatial records, I show that this regional political inequality derives not from colonial-era development in general but from colonial-era education in particular. I argue that post-colonial ministers are partly a byproduct of civil service recruitment practices among European administrators that focused on levels of literacy. Regional political inequality is an understudied pathway through which colonial legacies impact distributive politics and unequal development in Africa today. JEL: F54, I26, N37, N47

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China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Will it Make or Mar Development in the Central and West Africa Subregions?

Journal of Public Administration and Governance ◽

10.5296/jpag.v10i4.17876 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 10 (4) ◽

pp. 19

Author(s):

William G. Dzekashu ◽

Julius N. Anyu

Keyword(s):

Growth Dynamics ◽

Sustainable Growth ◽

Agricultural Products ◽

Belt And Road Initiative ◽

The West ◽

Colonial Era ◽

Post Colonial ◽

Belt And Road ◽

The Impact ◽

Domestic Products

The West, chiefly Europe, left political footmarks in Africa from the Colonial Era, along with varying economic footprints and surviving engagements in the immediate Post-colonial Era. However, the relationships between Africa and her former colonial masters have hardly yielded much to the former following the wave of independence, leading to the perception of failed relationships. This perception of failure to deliver on their undertakings has left Africa with only one option—China. The latter has been addressing some of Africa’s urgent infrastructure needs in return for natural resources and agricultural products. These engagements on the surface appear to be good business, but on further examination seem questionable notably as it relates to debt distress on vulnerable economies. To increase her footprint within the continent, China extended her Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to most African nations who have signed a memorandum of understanding for future development projects. Though the commitments usually are unspecified, China’s investments have seen rapid growth since the early 2000s, largely owing to the implementation of the BRI. The memoranda have had the potential to strengthen ties with partner nations. The expansion to include Africa in its economic participation in the BRI has left the West questioning China’s motives while reinforcing suspicions about possible future US-China conflict. The impact of BRI on the African continent is quite visible in all the subregions, especially in their improved gross domestic products. A burning question has been whether these partnerships represent win-win relationships for sustainable growth or debt-growth dynamics.

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Role of the South in the Development of International Environmental Law

Chinese Journal of Environmental Law ◽

10.1163/24686042-12340011 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 1 (2) ◽

pp. 133-157

Author(s):

Parvez Hassan

Keyword(s):

Developing Countries ◽

International Law ◽

Environmental Law ◽

International Environmental Law ◽

Colonial Era ◽

International Protection ◽

Post Colonial ◽

Protection Of Human Rights ◽

Independent States ◽

Law Texts

Abstract In the post-colonial era, the newly emerging and independent states of Asia and Africa, supported by the developing world in South America, questioned the validity and legitimacy of norms of international law. Those norms were perceived to serve only the interests of the developed Western nations and were alien to the aspirations of the developing countries. International law has evolved over time, with a willingness to accept the viewpoint of new participants in the global process in a variety of contexts. These include the international protection of human rights and international law regarding the permanent sovereignty of nations over their natural wealth and resources. The interests of developing countries have been assimilated, though the extent to which this is done varies. A central message advanced is that the ultimate integrity of international law is the commonality and synthesis of the interests of all states, rich and poor, agricultural and industrial. The continuing contribution of developing countries, through their participation in conferences, negotiation of treaties and soft law texts, adds immeasurable strength to the current state and future development of international environmental law.

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Locating the politics of a Sierra Leonean chiefdom

Africa ◽

10.2307/1161166 ◽

1998 ◽

Vol 68 (4) ◽

pp. 558-584 ◽

Cited By ~ 21

Author(s):

Richard Fanthorpe

Keyword(s):

Sierra Leone ◽

Political Representation ◽

Late Nineteenth Century ◽

Colonial Era ◽

Colonial State ◽

Post Colonial ◽

Sierra Leonean ◽

Early Colonial ◽

Breeding Grounds ◽

Primary Means

The chiefdoms of Sierra Leone are institutions of colonial origin but nevertheless continue to serve as local government units in the post-colonial state. The prevailing view among scholars is that these institutions have little basis in indigenous political culture, and have furthermore become breeding grounds of political corruption. This view has tended to elide anthropological analysis of internal chiefdom politics. However, it is argued in this article that such conclusions are premature. With reference to the Biriwa Limba chiefdom of northern Sierra Leone, it is shown that historical precedent, in many cases relating to prominent political figures of the late nineteenth century, continues to serve as a primary means of ordering local rights in land, settlement and political representation. This phenomenon is not a product of innate conservatism but emerges rather as a pragmatic response to the persistent failure of successive Sierra Leone administrations to extend modern measures of citizenship to the bulk of the rural populace. Rights and properties have become progressively localised in villages originally registered for tax collection in the early colonial era. Here one finds one of the most telling legacies of the British policy of indirect rule in post-colonial Sierra Leone.

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Orwell's "Shooting an Elephant": Reflections on Imperialism and Neoimperialism

IIUC Studies ◽

10.3329/iiucs.v3i0.2664 ◽

1970 ◽

Vol 3 ◽

pp. 55-62 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Mohammed Sarwar Alam

Keyword(s):

Short Story ◽

World History ◽

George Orwell ◽

Colonial Era ◽

Post Colonial ◽

The World ◽

Ultimate Objective

Imperialism has been the most powerful force in world history over last four or five centuries. The world has moved from the colonial to post-colonial era or neoimperialism. Throughout the period, the imperialists have changed their grounds and strategies in imperialistic rules. But the ultimate objective has remained the same- to rule and exploit the natives with their multifaceted dominance-technological, economic and military. Through dominance with these, they have been, to a great extent, successful in establishing their racial and cultural superiority. George Orwell is popularly known to be an anti-imperialist writer. This paper, I believe, will lead us to an almost different conclusion. Here, we discover the inevitable dilemma in a disguised imperialist. We discover the seeds of imperialism under the mask of anti-imperialism. In this regard, it studies his revealing short story "Shooting an Elephant". It also humbly approaches to refute Barry Hindess' arguments supporting neoimperialism. doi: 10.3329/iiucs.v3i0.2664 IIUC STUDIES Vol. - 3, December 2006 (p 5-62)

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Corruption and Nigerian political economy

10.32890/9789670876511 ◽

2016 ◽

Author(s):

Ibrahim Kawuley Mikail

Keyword(s):

Political Economy ◽

National Development ◽

Civil Society Organizations ◽

Political Theatre ◽

Colonial Era ◽

Policy Makers ◽

Post Colonial ◽

Governmental Organizations ◽

Non Governmental Organizations ◽

Freedom Fighters

The book analyses the background of corrupt practices in the annals of Nigerian political history from pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial era down to the fourth democratic dispensation. The book also establishes a nexus between corruption and political economy in the Nigerian political theatre. Indeed, corruption undermines the rules of law, equity, transparency democratization and national development which breed poverty, insecurity and general underdevelopment among the populace.Meanwhile, the political economy approach and the theories of corruption and their application on Nigerian political economy is highlighted.The role of policy-makers and stakeholders with their policies and programmes on combating corruption is also analysed. Furthermore, the giant efforts of international organizations, civil society organizations (CSOs) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on combating the menace of corruption are also pointed out. The book serves as a guide to researchers on the subject matter and the freedom fighters with their anti-corruption crusade or mandates so as to proffer solutions to corrupt practices and scandals in Nigeria and beyond.

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Dār al-Ṭalīʿah and the Question of Arab Authenticity in the 1960s

Journal of Arabic Literature ◽

10.1163/1570064x-12341425 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 52 (1-2) ◽

pp. 228-253

Author(s):

Ahmad Agbaria

Keyword(s):

Publishing House ◽

Cultural Institutions ◽

Cultural Authenticity ◽

Colonial Era ◽

Post Colonial ◽

Conventional View ◽

Cultural Expectations ◽

Publishing Houses ◽

The 1960S ◽

Institutional Location

Abstract Cultural institutions and publishing houses have been essential to the making of Arab intellectual conversations in the post-colonial era. The publishing house of Dār al-Ṭalīʿah (est. 1959) played a central role in naturalizing social classifications, ideological views and cultural expectations that have influenced the then-new articulation of the notion of Arab authenticity. Yet, al-Ṭalīʿah was more than a publishing house: it was an intellectual hub that sustained intellectuals and unified them into a coherent group. Despite its centrality, however, the group of authors published by al-Ṭalīʿah has rarely drawn the attention of literary critics or intellectual historians. This article rethinks the connection between ideas and their institutional location, rejecting the conventional view that institutions are only secondary to, or even parasitic on, the supremacy of ideas. Looking at the idea of cultural authenticity (aṣālah) fiercely opposed by al-Ṭalīʿah authors, this article examines the ways the publishing house informed the meaning and deployment of aṣālah during the 1960s, even while rejecting it.

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