Russia’s Media: Freedom of expression, but no press freedom

2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (8) ◽  
pp. 529-534
Author(s):  
Maria Lipman
2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
David Robie

Robie, D. (2015). The struggle for media freedom amid jihadists, gaggers and ‘democratators’. Pacific Journalism Review, 21(2): 197-199. Review of The New Censorship: Inside the global battle for press freedom, by Joel Simon. New York: Columbia University Press, 2015. 236 pp. ISBN978-0-231-16064-3.One of the ironies of the digital revolution is that there is an illusion of growing freedom of expression and information in the world, when in fact the reverse is true. These are bleak times with growing numbers of journalists being murdered with impunity, from the Philippines to Somalia and Syria. The world’s worst mass killing of journalists was the so-called Maguindanao, or Ampatuan (named after the town whose dynastic family ordered the killings), massacre when 32 journalists were brutally murdered in the Philippines in November 2009.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (XX) ◽  
pp. 19-44
Author(s):  
Michał Kaczmarczyk

The concept of freedom of the press is closely linked to freedom of expression. Freedom of the media is an instrument of free speech and is derived from the freedom of expression, independence of thought, opinion, ideas and judgement. Freedom of the media is possible only if the state ensures real independence of expression, access to reliable information, freedom of publication and publishing. Respecting media freedom through non-interference by public auReceived thorities is an important part of the European standard of democracy, and is aligned with the essence of the liberal democratic regime. Ireland has a diversified market of newspapers and magazines, created by private entities, operating on the basis of well-developed guarantees of freedom of establishment that are deeply rooted in the Irish legal tradition. Freedom of speech, which is also enjoyed by the media, is enshrined in the Constitution, and appropriate institutions have been established to protect it, defending the right of the media to obtain and disseminate information, but also to safeguard the principles of law and ethics in journalism, combining the right of the press to express opinions and freely describe reality with the right of the beneficiaries of this activity (readers) to obtain information that is reliable, true, honest and credible. This article attempts to characterize the legal basis of press freedom in Ireland (both domestic and international) and to describe the institutions that uphold this freedom, ensuring that the media system functions properly as one of the subsystems of the social system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul D. Kenny

To what extent is populist rule associated with a decline in press freedom and freedom of expression? Populist rule refers to government headed by charismatic leaders who seek to gain and retain power by mobilizing mass constituencies that are typically free of other political attachments. Populism in this sense matters for two reasons: (1) controlling the media is a core objective of populists compared with other types of political leaders, who can rely on other organizational links to supporters; and (2) the interests of populist parties are virtually equivalent to the interests of party leaders, which means that populists face different time horizons and constraints on their behavior than the leaders of more deeply institutionalized parties. Using cross-national data on up to ninety-one countries from 1980 to 2014, this paper tests whether populist rule is associated with the erosion of press freedom and freedom of expression relative to other types of government and whether any effect is conditional on the ideology of the populist government in question. It finds that populist rule is associated with a decline in most measures of media freedom relative to programmatic party rule. However, this effect is lessened for right-leaning populist governments.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 35-50
Author(s):  
Renato Francisquini

This paper addresses the normative issue of free speech within the landscape of democratic societies where the mediated form of communication appears as a central feature. Contemporary discussions about free speech tend assimilate press freedom to a notion of freedom of expression as a negative liberty, so repudiating every single regulation to the mass media. In opposition to that line of thought, I argue that media freedom cannot be justified by analogy with negative liberty. The most convincing justification for the principle of freedom of expression relies on the idea of the fair value of communicative liberties, or the idea that society must assure fair opportunities for the exercise of communication. Following this account, I affirm that the institutions responsible for mediating the expressive acts should be structured in a way that contributes, at once, to individual self-determination and collective self-government.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miral Sabry AlAshry

Purpose The purpose of this study is to investigate Libyan journalists’ perspectives regarding the media laws Articles 37,132, 38 and 46, which address media freedom in the new Libyan Constitution of 2017. Design/methodology/approach Focus group discussions were done with 35 Libyan journalists, 12 of them from the Constitution Committee, while 23 of them reported the update of the constitution in the Libyan Parliament. Findings The results of the study indicated that there were media laws articles that did not conform to the international laws and United Nations treaties, which the Libyan Parliament committee approved. Another finding from the journalists was the Constitution should provide and guarantee press freedom, while media laws articles approved to put a paragraph about “censorship” in the press and media as a tool to silence government opposition. In addition, journalists indicated future constitution should redraft Article 38 to conform with Article 19 of the “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,” to support the “principles of freedom of expression and information” without control. Moreover, Article 46 needs to be changed and linked to the “provisions of international law on the right of information access” to improve the access and dissemination of information in the media. Practical implications Redrafting the constitution articles in the future can be summarised as follows: First, the Libyan Constitution should provide and guarantee press freedom without any censorship and include clear articles to protect journalists in conflict zones. Second, Articles 37,132 and 38, about “freedom of information and publication,” need to be redrafted to link with Article 19 of the “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,” to support the principles of freedom of expression and information, and the use of this right must not be subject to prior control. Third, Article 46 needs to be changed and linked to the provisions of “International law on the Right of Access to Information” to improve access and dissemination of information in the media to protect confidentiality sources. The most important articles should be implemented (freedom of information and personal information act) because after the Arab Spring revolutions, there was a transitional period in societies and a change in the constitutions of Tunisia and Egypt. They developed legal articles about media freedom so that Libya resembles other Arab countries. From that point, the journalists recommended that all information should be protected from government interference to ensure transparency, combat corruption and protect independent journalists. These articles will open the way to add more development articles to media freedom rules in the Journalists’ Syndicate. Fourth, there are also various types of threats encountered by journalists in their work. In pursuit of their right and freedom of expression, they recommended that Libya must establish an independent self-regulatory media that are free from political and economic influence. Fifth, journalists need licenses for them to work through the syndicate. The new syndicate should play an active role to safeguard the rights of journalists, activists and media entities to carry out their work and end the self-censorship. Sixth, the constitution should also add articles to end the impunity and change the articles in the penal code. Overall, the journalists covering the conflict and war are encountering threats, violence and imprisonment. As a result, Libyan journalists must seek new legislation to defend independent journalism and freedom of expression in their deeply divided country. In addition, they need to have a strong central authority to defend journalists and journalism in wartime, where journalists are regularly threatened, abducted and sometimes killed. Also, the Libyan Journalists Syndicate should stress the importance of the media’s self-regulation to guarantee their rights to freedom of expression, grant their readers’ respect and minimise government’s interference. Finally, they need to develop new laws to grant media freedom from regulations and restrictions, as well as defend and promote democracy, the citizens’ right to be informed, as well as their right to discuss and disseminate information. There is also the need to implement articles in the constitution, articles about the protection of political speech, which would be specific enough to differentiate between what is legally permitted and what may be ethically offensive. Originality/value This study will help the new Libyan parliament after the legislative elections on 24 December 2021 to amend the media laws articles in the constitution.


Author(s):  
Dirk Voorhoof

The normative perspective of this chapter is how to guarantee respect for the fundamental values of freedom of expression and journalistic reporting on matters of public interest in cases where a (public) person claims protection of his or her right to reputation. First it explains why there is an increasing number and expanding potential of conflicts between the right to freedom of expression and media freedom (Article 10 ECHR), on the one hand, and the right of privacy and the right to protection of reputation (Article 8 ECHR), on the other. In addressing and analysing the European Court’s balancing approach in this domain, the characteristics and the impact of the seminal 2012 Grand Chamber judgment in Axel Springer AG v. Germany (no. 1) are identified and explained. On the basis of the analysis of the Court’s subsequent jurisprudence in defamation cases it evaluates whether this case law preserves the public watchdog-function of media, investigative journalism and NGOs reporting on matters of public interest, but tarnishing the reputation of public figures.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ružica Kijevčanin ◽  

In this paper, the author starts from the thesis that freedom of expression, which is best reflected in freedom of the press, as the central public media of the time, was a clear indicator of the level of development of the newly created Yugoslav society. The press in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was a clear example of existing social antagonisms. Although the Vidovdan Constitution paid attention to this fundamental human freedom, classifying it as a political right of citizens, the manner of its regulation and practical application indicated limitations, immaturity and unwillingness of society to face its own weaknesses, ie the weaknesses of the ruling establishment, but also all important political factors. According to the letter of the constitution, freedom of the press is guaranteed, but with restrictions. These restrictions, such as the possibility of introducing censorship in cases provided by law, clearly raised the question of whether the existence of freedom of expression could be discussed at all in this period. The enjoyment of freedom of the press was concretized by a later law which found a foothold in the Constitution. Historical facts most faithfully reflect the situation in this area, but also the importance of the issue, through reflection on everyday political, cultural, educational, economic and social relations. After 100 years, the violation of freedom of the press is referred to as a violation of media freedom, which means that restrictions and violations of the rules have not been eradicated, but only shaped into new terminology, ie a new appearance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-113
Author(s):  
Victor Mambor ◽  
Palagio Da Costa Sarmento

Indonesia ranks 124th out of 180 countries in the 2019 Global Press Freedom Index, West Papua (meaning the two provinces of Papua and West Papua) as the most closed region to foreign media coverage. There are patterns of threats that implicate the safety and security of local journalists in the territory. A clearing house, an intricate red-tape system, was re-introduced in May 2019 to screen foreign journalists coming to the region of West Papua. Once a permit is granted, security forces supervise the selected journalists during their work in the region. Over the past 10 years, there have been two deaths, multiple assaults, arrests on local journalists and deportations of international journalists. Most of the cases remain open with no clear investigation process. Disinformation using bogus online media disrupts the work of legitimate news sources.  There is no freedom of expression or freedom of information in West Papua.


1997 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-39
Author(s):  
David Robie

Assaults, arbitrary imprisonment, gaggings, threats and defamation cases have become an increasing hazard for Pacific journalists. And they also face mounting pressure from governments to be accountable and to report the truth. But the issue is whose truth and accountability to whom? The full text of the controversial television program shown twice on EM TV in May 1997 to mark the UNESCO World Press Freedom Day.  Fri Pres Part 1 Fri Pres Part 2 Fri Pres Part 3  


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Pearson

On 3 May, 2013, AUT University’s Pacific Media Centre marked the 20th anniversary of the UNESCO World Press Freedom Day with the inaugural event in New Zealand. The event was initiated by UNESCO’s Programme for Freedom of Expression, Democracy and Peace with the first seminar on ‘Promoting an Independent and Pluralistic African Media’ in Windhoek, Namibia, on 3 May, 1993. The journalists participating in that event drew up the Windhoek Declaration which highlighted that press freedom should be understood as a media system that is free, pluralistic and independent. They insisted that that this dispensation was essential for democracy and development. The Declaration became a landmark document in the fight for press freedom around the world. This address argues that new ethical codes of practice are now needed that are inclusive of serious bloggers and citizen journalists. The author of this address states: ‘The printing press spawned free expression’s offspring—the right of “press freedom”—as pamphleteers fought censorship by governments in the ensuing centuries. Events are unfolding much more quickly now. It would be an historic irony and a monumental shame if press freedom met its demise through the sheer pace of irresponsible truth-seeking and truth-telling today’.


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