Race, Ethnicity, the Political Incorporation of Black Immigrants: an Examination of Evidence from Presidential Elections Won by Barack Obama

Author(s):  
Kevin J.A. Thomas ◽  
Rebbeca Tesfai
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jasko ◽  
Joanna Grzymala-Moszczynska ◽  
Marta Maj ◽  
Marta Szastok ◽  
Arie W. Kruglanski

Reactions of losers and winners of political elections have important consequences for the political system during the times of power transition. In four studies conducted immediately before and after the 2016 US presidential elections we investigated how personal significance induced by success or failure of one’s candidate is related to hostile vs. benevolent intentions toward political adversaries. We found that the less significant supporters of Hillary Clinton and supporters of Donald Trump felt after an imagined (Study 1A) or actual (Study 2) electoral failure the more they were willing to engage in peaceful actions against the elected president and the less they were willing to accept the results of the elections. However, while significance gain due to an imagined or actual electoral success was related to more benevolent intentions among Clinton supporters (Study 1B), it was related to more hostile intentions among Trump supporters (Studies 1B, 2, and 3).


Author(s):  
Dawn Langan Teele

This chapter presents a case study of women's enfranchisement in the United States. It argues that the formation of a broad coalition of women, symbolized by growing membership in a large non-partisan suffrage organization, in combination with competitive conditions in state legislatures, was crucial to securing politicians' support for women's suffrage in the states. The chapter first gives a broad overview of the phases of the US suffrage movement, arguing that the salience of political cleavages related to race, ethnicity, nativity, and class influenced the type of movement suffragists sought to build. It then describes the political geography of the Gilded Age, showing how the diversity of political competition and party organization that characterized the several regions mirrors the pattern of women's enfranchisement across the states.


Author(s):  
Rafaela M. Dancygier

This concluding chapter reflects on what conditions make it more or less likely that minority political incorporation has significant impacts on intergroup relations, the identities of parties, and the electoral alignments underpinning party systems. The discussion highlights that parties' recruitment strategies can meaningfully affect majority perceptions of the minority, minority views about the political system, and minority social integration. The waning of traditional structures of mobilization—in particular the decline of trade unions—raises the relative attractiveness of minority bloc votes and associated ethnically based campaign styles. Larger, more slow-moving, political and economic forces that shape linkages between the majority electorate and political parties thus also help determine whether and in what ways minorities are brought into the party system. The chapter then posits under what circumstances this incorporation will trigger electoral realignments and, in the process, generate a reordering of European party systems.


Author(s):  
Andrew Sanders

After Clinton’s second term in office ended, President George W Bush moved the Special Envoy to Northern Ireland to the State Department, but his Envoys, led by Richard Haass and Mitchell Reiss, were no less engaged in Northern Irish affairs as the political figures there sought to create a functional government at Stormont Parliament Buildings. A series of significant obstacles emerged, but the Northern Ireland Assembly finally formed in 2007 before Bush left office. He was succeeded by President Barack Obama who had little interest in Northern Ireland but Obama’s initial Secretary of State, former Senator Hillary Clinton, was well-versed in Northern Irish issues. This chapter also examines the role of Northern Ireland in the 2008 Democratic Primary contest and, to a lesser extent, the 2008 Presidential Election.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 365-368
Author(s):  
Luis Fernando Panelli

Abstract The Co-operative Republic of Guyana has become one of the most interesting and dynamic oil producing countries in the world at the start of the 21st century. The country already holds 5 billion barrels of proved reserves, which will certainly grow with new discoveries. Exxon leads a consortium of four companies that have the concession of the Stabroek Block (Liza Field), where nine discoveries have been made so far. Five FPSOs will be operating in the future, one of which is due to arrive in Guyana before the end of 2019 and another is due for 2020. By then, the country will be producing 340,000 barrels a day. This production will double and then reach 1 million barrels a day before the end of the next decade. The challenges and opportunities regarding the Guyanese people are dire. The lack of proper infrastructure is certainly one of the biggest challenges. But it is important to stress that the oil proceeds will transform Guyana into the highest GDP per capita of South America. The political stage is also analysed, since political instability might raise concerns for long-term investors. The Venezuela–Guyana differences regarding the sovereignty of the Essequibo Region are again a cause for concern. Brazil is a key player in supporting the geopolitical stability of South America. Presidential elections will be held in 2019/2020: the dispute will probably be between the current President Granger and the Opposition candidate Irfaan Ali. Guyana has a lot to profit from the wealth brought by oil exploitation, but its people fear the risk of growing corruption.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 112-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel J. Hopkins ◽  
Cheryl R. Kaiser ◽  
Efrén O. Pérez ◽  
Sara Hagá ◽  
Corin Ramos ◽  
...  

AbstractPerceived discrimination (PD) is reliably and strongly associated with partisan identity (PID) among US immigrant minorities such as Latinos and Asian Americans. Yet whether PD causes PID remains unclear, since it is possible that partisanship influences perceptions of discrimination or that other factors drive the observed association. Here, we assess the causal influence of group-level PD on PID using five experiments with Latino and Asian American adults. These experiments varied in important ways: they took place inside and outside the lab, occurred prior to and during Donald Trump’s presidential campaign, and tested different manifestations of PD and partisan attitudes (total n = 2,528). These efforts point to a simple but unexpected conclusion: our experiments and operationalizations do not support the claim that group-targeted PD directly causes PID. These results have important implications for understanding partisanship among immigrants and their co-ethnics and the political incorporation of Latinos and Asian Americans.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 537-557 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali R. Abasi ◽  
Nahal Akbari

This qualitative case study investigates dissent in the news discourse of a major pro-reform newspaper covering the Iranian presidential election debates that took place in June 2009. Drawing on appraisal theory as its analytical lens, the article examines the evaluation of the three major candidates in the paper’s coverage of the debates. The article begins with the broader sociopolitical context situating the watershed debates and a description of the legal framework within which the Iranian press operate. The analysis next details the function of attitudinal resources in the discursive representation of the political actors. As central to an ideologically invested strategy, evaluative linguistic resources are found to sharply dichotomize the political actors along a range of positive and negative value positions that dissent from those advanced in the narratives of the dominant power.


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