Implications and Conclusions

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafaela M. Dancygier
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Political Incorporation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Recruitment Strategies ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
Relative Attractiveness ◽  
Slow Moving ◽  
Traditional Structures

This concluding chapter reflects on what conditions make it more or less likely that minority political incorporation has significant impacts on intergroup relations, the identities of parties, and the electoral alignments underpinning party systems. The discussion highlights that parties' recruitment strategies can meaningfully affect majority perceptions of the minority, minority views about the political system, and minority social integration. The waning of traditional structures of mobilization—in particular the decline of trade unions—raises the relative attractiveness of minority bloc votes and associated ethnically based campaign styles. Larger, more slow-moving, political and economic forces that shape linkages between the majority electorate and political parties thus also help determine whether and in what ways minorities are brought into the party system. The chapter then posits under what circumstances this incorporation will trigger electoral realignments and, in the process, generate a reordering of European party systems.

Politics of Intraexecutive Conflict in Semipresidential Regimes in Eastern Europe

2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleh Protsyk
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Party System ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
The Political ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
East European ◽  
Conflict And Cooperation ◽  
Political Status ◽  
System Characteristics

This article analyzes the patterns of intraexecutive conflict and cooperation in East European democracies that adopted semipresidential constitutional frameworks. It explores how the coexistence of popularly elected presidents and prime ministers is shaped by constitutional provisions, parliamentary fragmentation, and party system characteristics. The article emphasizes a critical role that party systems play in the evolution of intraexecutive relations across the region. It argues that variations in the political status of the cabinet, in the character of parliamentary composition, and in the constitutional powers of the president affect both the type and frequency of intraexecutive conflict experienced by semipresidential regimes.

Trade, societal interests, and political parties

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-338
Author(s):  
Wonjae Hwang ◽  
Ian Down
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
The Political ◽  
Effective Number ◽  
Factor Mobility ◽  
System A ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
The Empirical Analysis ◽  
Societal Interests

We argue that international trade affects party systems but that this impact is conditioned on the types of societal interests trade brings about. When factor mobility is high, trade promotes class-based grievances that are unlikely to affect the structure of the party system. However, when factor mobility is low, trade will increase the diversity of group interests and policy preferences, thereby pressuring structural change in the party system. A consequence is an increase in the effective number of political parties. The empirical analysis supports these expectations. This paper contributes to our understanding of the political impact of economic liberalization on representative democracy.

scholarly journals Institutionalization of the Czech and Slovenian party system

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 244-265
Author(s):  
Alena Klvaňová
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
System Stability ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Scene

Abstract For the past two decades, the characteristic feature of the Czech Republic and the Republic of Slovenia’s party system has been relatively invariable and closed to fundamental change. In both cases, there has been a distortion of the change and its nature which occurred around 2010, when new political entities began to emerge on the political scene. These entities have received support from a large part of the electorate. The reason for the success of the new political parties is mainly related to the dissatisfaction of the Czech and Slovenian public with the political situation and the conviction of citizens about the widespread corruption among public officials. The success of the newly formed entities caused the decline of primarily established parties. The aim of this article is to determine the effect of these changes on the party systems, and simultaneously to answer the question, to what extent both party systems are institutionalized. The answer to this question can be obtained by measuring the extend of institutionalization of party systems based on three criteria, which are incorporation of political parties in the party system, party system stability and quality of party competition.

scholarly journals The current state of the nationalization of the party systems in the Slovak Republic and Ukraine

2021 ◽  
Vol 188 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 47-57
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Shelemba ◽  
◽  
Marta Shelemba ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Slovak Republic ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Entry Barrier ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Current State ◽  
Political Forces

The paper assesses the current state of the nationalization of the party systems in the Slovak Republic and Ukraine based on the results of the latest parliamentary elections. By using formalized methods, the authors of the paper analyzed the composition of the party systems at the empirical level. The results of the conducted research show that the party landscape of the Ukrainian Parliament has changed in the direction of electoral preferences in favour of new participants of the political process. The analysis with the use of the Nagayama triangle showed that the electoral advantage of one political party was provided in most of the regions of Ukraine (the political party «Servant of the People»). Under the M. Jones’ and S. Mainwaring’s technique, a high level of the party system nationalization (0.70) was established while conducting the research. According to the methodology by G. Golosov, a Russian scientist, the nationalization index in 2019 was equal to 0.56. It was proved that the factors of presidentialism, socio-political delimitations of the political regime, forms of government, the entry barrier, and regionalization have impacted nationalization of the party system. Six political parties entered the Slovak Parliament. With the opposition center-right conservative political force «Ordinary People and Independent Individuals» being the leader of this election campaign. Parliament’s The assessment of the Slovak Parliament with the use of the Nagayama triangle shows that in most parts of Slovakia, no political force has been formed as a result of the elections, which would dominate the level of voters support and that competition provides a minimum gap between the two political forces. The analysis indicated that the nationalization of the party system of the Slovak Republic is 0.89 (the high value) according to the Jones and Mainwaring method and 0.67 (the above-average value) with regard to the Golosov method, being a higher value compared to a relatively similar indicator for Ukraine. It should be emphasized that the main factors impacting the actual state of the studied indicator were the entry barrier and the political regime in the country. The predominance in the level of nationalization of the party system of Slovakia, if compared with the relevant indicator in Ukraine is due to the fact that all political forces that entered the National Council of the Slovak Republic are stable and participate in electoral cycles.

Welfare Democracies and Party Politics

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Party System ◽  
Growth Models ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
New Combination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscapes

Europe’s political landscapes are in turmoil; new radical parties challenge the established political order. This book locates Europe’s contemporary challenges within the longer economic and political trajectories of its “welfare democracies.” It argues forcefully that it is imperative to understand the specific structures of political competition and voter–party links to make sense of the political and economic turmoil of the last decades. In four distinct European welfare democracies (Nordic, continental, southern, and Anglo-Saxon), the political economy, the party system, and the structure of the political space are co-determined in a specific way. Accordingly, specific combinations of policies and politics and distinct patterns of alignment between core electoral groups and political parties exist in the four welfare democracies and shape their reactions to current challenges. With this, the book provides an analytical framework that links welfare states to party systems, combining recent contributions to the comparative political economy of the welfare state and insights from party and electoral politics. The book identifies three phenomena: in electoral politics it states a certain homogenization of European party systems, the emergence of a new combination of leftist socio-economic and rightist socio-cultural positions in many parties, and finally the rise of the radical right in the north of Europe and the radical left in the south. The contributions to this book also indicate a confluence toward renewed welfare state support among parties and voters. Finally, the Europeanization of political dynamics, combined with incompatible growth models, has created pronounced European cleavages.

Comparing Indonesia's party systems of the 1950s and the post-Suharto era: From centrifugal to centripetal inter-party competition

2008 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 431-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Mietzner
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Fundamental Difference ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The 1950S

AbstractThis article compares Indonesia's party systems of the 1950s and the post-Suharto period. It explores the question of why the party system of the 1950s collapsed quickly, while that of the contemporary polity appears stable. Challenging established assumptions that party systems fail if their individual parties are weakly institutionalised, I submit that the fundamental difference between the party politics of the 1950s and today's democratic system is related to the character of inter-party competition in both periods. While inter-party contestation in the 1950s took place at the far ends of the politico-ideological spectrum, the competition between parties in the contemporary democracy exhibits centripetal tendencies, stabilising the political system as a whole.

scholarly journals THE POLITICS OF POPULISM SPREAD AND THE CHANGING IDEOLOGICAL SPACE IN EUROPE

2019 ◽  
pp. 52-59
Author(s):  
Yulian Braychevskyy
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
System Development ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Think Tank ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Ideological Space

Aim: To perform the geographic analysis of the socio-political context of mass spread of populist movements in European countries and to trace its impact on the ideological space in the European region. Methodology: The paper is based upon the historical-geographic overview of the pre-conditions framing the political and party systems development in European countries in the second half of the XXth century, analysis of populism spread dynamics across European states and speculation on the factors conditioning rapid populism spread becoming a major political trend f the recent years. Empirical data on the level of support of the populist parties in European countries is borrowed from the Swedish analytical think-tank TIMBRO, which compiles the authoritarian populism index for European states and provides data on the support level for populist parties of various parts of the political spectrum. We used the methodology of the T.Blair Institute for Global Change for classifying populist political forces in Europe. Results: The article presents the analysis of the key trends and dynamics of the electoral support for populist parties in the number of European states and a historical-geographic overview of the development of the political and party systems in the European countries in the post-War period. Also, it contains the analysis of the contextual factors of populism electoral support, namely those related to the changes in relations between political elites and their base electorate as well as those related to the changes in the external environment of political system development. Academic novelty: The article suggests employing theoretical perspectives of B.Moore (social origins of democratic institutes and evolution of the relations between political elites and their electorates) and S.M.Lipsett-S.Rokkan (development of the major socio-political cleavages in European states) while searching for explanations of the populist parties growing support. That is employing the terms of structural analysis of the party elites, their material, social and value base as well as historical and geographic context of their development. Practical significance: Ukraine faces similar to other European countries challenges of mass populism. The search for efficient strategies of countering this phenomenon requires comprehensive analysis of the European experience as well as comparison of the Ukrainian context and factors determining political party system and ways of electorate mobilization with the analogous features of the political space in the European states.

Political Parties, Interest Representation and Economic Development in Poland

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 1239-1245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerzy J. Wiatr
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Interest Representation ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Mixed Types

Discussing the character of the Polish party system elsewhere, I have suggested a label of “hegemonic party system” for it, as well as for some other party systems based on similar principles. The hegemonic party systems stand mid-way between the mono-party systems and the dominant party systems as defined by Maurice Duverger. In an earlier paper written jointly with Rajni Kothari we have suggested the following typology of party systems:1. Alternative party systems, where two or more political parties compete for political power with realistic chances of success;2. Consensus party systems, where multi-partism does exist but one political party commands in a lasting way the loyalties of a predominant majority of the citizens and permanently runs the government;3. Hegemonic party systems, where all the existing parties form a lasting coalition within which one of them is accepted as the leading force of the coalition;4. Mono-party systems;5. Suspended party systems, where political parties exist but are prevented from regulating political life by other forces (for instance, by the military);6. Non-party systems, where the government is ideologically hostile toward the political parties as such and does not permit them to function.Quite obviously, this typology does not exclude mixed types of party systems. On the contrary, the very fact that in political life nothing is absolutely permanent leads to the emergence of transitory types of party systems.

A General Theory of Party, Opposition and Government, 1688–1832

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. C. D. Clark
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
General Theory ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Early Eighteenth Century

England has not known a simple two-party system, oraparty system of any sort. The lineage of English parties is fragmented and discontinuous. Most of the apparent continuities, like the myth of a long-standing two-party system, have been invented in retrospect by politicians and publicists seeking the justification of a pedigree. Party itself has not been a constant phenomenon, which could be defined by the political scientist and then searched for by the historian. The English experience, rather, is of a succession of discontinuous two-, three-, even four-party systems whose components both develop and relate to each other through changing conventions. Often the fiction of the ‘two-party system’ has disguised the reality of three or more parties; parties which, themselves, can be the vehicles for a wide range of issues. It is a commonplace, which was evident to Hume and Bolingbroke, that whigs and tories exchanged many of their policy commitments in the early eighteenth century; but the same suggestion has been made of the Conservative and Labour parties today. The content of a party's programme has always been almost infinitely flexible;exceptin respect of the questions raised by a small number of threats, challenges or problems. The existence and endurance of party systems has usually articulated the ideological polarity which such challenges induce.

scholarly journals The Evolution of New Party Systems: Voter Learning and Electoral Systems

2021 ◽  
pp. 147892992110143
Author(s):  
Nasos Roussias
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Institutional Setting ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
System Evolution ◽  
Over Time

How do new party systems evolve over time? This article argues that party system evolution requires the solution of coordination problems that voters face in early elections; this happens through a learning mechanism. Elections reveal information to voters, who update their beliefs about party viability and the distribution of voters’ preferences and adjust their behaviour. The institutional setting, however, strongly conditions the pace of learning. Restrictive electoral systems (single-member district) accelerate learning through the harsh penalties they impose on miscoordination, while permissive ones (proportional representation) prolong it. Testing the argument on a district-level dataset in new democracies provides ample support; voters learn to cast fewer wasted votes over time and this happens faster in single-member district systems. The findings point to a trade-off between consolidation and representation; while party system evolution is facilitated by restrictive electoral systems, the presence of distinct social groups in the political arena is better served by permissive ones.

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