After Lisbon: Content and Vision

European View ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-110
Author(s):  
Jos J. A. M. van Gennip
Keyword(s):  
Policy Research ◽  
World Order ◽  
Social Model ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Face ◽  
European People’S Party ◽  
European Parliament Elections ◽  
Globalising World ◽  
Political Success

The gains made by the European People's Party (EPP) in the 2009 European Parliament elections have given the party a new opportunity to advance its message. In the face of the weaknesses of current social models made apparent by the recent economic crisis, globalisation and changes in European society, Christian democracy could provide an alternative that balances the demands of a globalising world order and the desire to preserve the European social model. Further policy research is needed; however, recent socio-economic challenges and the political success of the EPP have shown that Christian democracy has a bright future.

scholarly journals The Choice of Spitzenkandidaten: A Comparative Analysis of the Europarties’ Selection Procedures

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gert-Jan Put ◽  
Steven Van Hecke ◽  
Corey Cunningham ◽  
Wouter Wolfs
Keyword(s):  
Green Party ◽  
Selection Procedures ◽  
People's Party ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
European People’S Party ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Internal Procedures ◽  
European Parliament Elections ◽  
The Eu

The selection of leading candidates by the political families, the so-called <em>Spitzenkandidaten</em>, is relatively groundbreaking as it is the first form of political recruitment organized at the EU level. The literature on candidate selection procedures has so far concentrated on national parties and their procedures. To our knowledge the analytical model has not yet been applied at the EU level. This article will fill this gap by examining the selection procedures of Europarties, more particularly for their EC presidency candidates, a novelty of the 2014 European Parliament elections. Based on the analysis of the procedures applied within the European People’s Party (EPP), the Party of European Socialists (PES), the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party (ALDE), the European Green Party (EGP), and the Party of the European Left (EL), one of the main findings of this article is that the procedures are largely copy-paste from the Europarties’ internal procedures for selecting a president. This can largely be explained by the lack of time and experience their party elites had in the run-up to the 2014 elections. We therefore expect the Europarties to further professionalize their selection procedures and start the process earlier with more high profile politicians to stand as candidates in 2019.

scholarly journals European Right-Wing Centrism in the Face of the Coronavirus Crisis

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 114-127
Author(s):  
A. N. Smirnov
Keyword(s):  
The European Union ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
State Identity ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
The Face ◽  
European People’S Party ◽  
Emergency Actions ◽  
The Right ◽  
National Governments

The article examines the reaction of European right-centrist politicians to the threats associated with the spread of coronavirus infection. At the same time, the political context of the perception of the problem is analyzed, especially vividly expressed in approaches to understanding the current crisis and its consequences for the European integration project. The close relationship that exists between the actualization of the national-state identity of Europeans and the increasing requirements for their security is stated. According to leading representatives of the European People’s Party, today fear plays a more prominent role in politics, prevailing over other social emotions. In such conditions, the fundamental need for people to identify themselves as part of a larger community through language, religion or a common understanding of history becomes a critical political factor.According to the author of the article, the viral danger acts as a factor of spontaneous exacerbation of contradictions between national sovereignty and loyalty to all-European structures. At the same time, the emergency actions of national governments forced to deal with the viral threat do not pose a direct threat to European institutions, but raise doubts about their effectiveness. The leadership of the European Union will have to find the right solutions and make extraordinary efforts to maintain a common integration vector with the increased relevance of national competencies.

The Sino-Japanese War and the Collapse of the Qing and Confucian World Order in the Face of Japanese Imperialism and European Acquiescence

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Sze-lok Leung ◽  
Bijun Xu
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
International Law ◽  
East Asian ◽  
World Order ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Japanese Imperialism ◽  
The Face ◽  
Late Nineteenth

The First Sino-Japanese War (1894–95) has been perceived as a sign of a new East Asian power order, but the legitimacy of the war has yet to be clarified. The Japanese foreign minister Mutsu’s Kenkenroku shows that the reasons claimed by Japan were only pretexts for its ambition to put Korea under its control. The 1885 Convention of Tianjin, which was used to justify the Japanese behaviour, needs to be reinterpreted. The Chinese reaction can be understood by exploration into Confucianism, which opposed wars between equal peers. Meanwhile, the Western powers which invented and developed international law were self-interested and did little to prevent the war. The incident shows that international law, empowered by the strong states, failed to maintain peace efficiently in the late nineteenth century.

scholarly journals Why does the European Right accommodate backsliding states? An analysis of 24 European People’s Party votes (2011–2019)

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-187
Author(s):  
Lise Esther Herman ◽  
Julian Hoerner ◽  
Joseph Lacey
Keyword(s):  
National Level ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
European People’S Party ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
National Governments ◽  
Fundamental Values ◽  
Over Time ◽  
The Eu

AbstractOver the last decade, the EU’s fundamental values have been under threat at the national level, in particular among several Central and Eastern European states that joined the EU since 2004. During this time, the European People’s Party (EPP) has been criticized for its unwillingness to vote for measures that would sanction the Hungarian Fidesz government, one of its members, in breach of key democratic principles since 2010. In this paper, we seek to understand how cohesive the EPP group has been on fundamental values-related votes, how the position of EPP MEPs on these issues has evolved over time, and what explains intra-EPP disagreement on whether to accommodate fundamental values violators within the EU. To address these questions, we analyse the votes of EPP MEPs across 24 resolutions on the protection of EU fundamental values between 2011 and 2019. Our findings reveal below-average EPP cohesion on these votes, and a sharp increase in the tendency of EPP MEPs to support these resolutions over time. A number of factors explain the disagreements we find. While the EPP’s desire to maintain Fidesz within its ranks is central, this explanation does not offer a comprehensive account of the group’s accommodative behaviour. In particular, we find that ideological factors as well as the strategic interests of national governments at the EU level are central to understanding the positions of EPP MEPs, as well as the evolution of these positions over time. These results further our understanding of the nature of the obstacles to EU sanctions in fundamental values abuse cases, and the role of partisanship in fuelling EU inaction especially.

The Roots of ASEAN: Regional Identities in the Strait of Melaka Region Circa 1500 C.E

2001 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth R. Hall
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
World Order ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Economic Success ◽  
Local Networks ◽  
Cultural Centers ◽  
Self Confidence ◽  
The Face

AbstractSoutheast Asian sources that report regional connection with the Majapahit and Angkor polities reflect upon a rapidly changing fourteenth and fifteenth century world order, the result of new trading opportunities as Europeans were becoming more direct participants in affairs beyond their Western home-lands. In the face of the individualistic and destructive tendencies of the wider global community circa 1500, in the Strait of Melaka region there was less dislocation and isolation than is supposed by many twentieth century scholars. Despite the number of political and religious transitions underway, in the Southeast Asian archipelago and mainland there was a sense of regional self-confidence and progress among societies who had enjoyed over two hundred years of widespread socio-economic success. These successes were the product of the functional international, regional, and local networks of communication, as well as a common heritage that had developed in the Strait of Melaka region during the pre-1500 era. This study not only addresses the role of Majapahit and Angkor in the shaping of regional inclusiveness circa 1500, but also explores the enduring (and often exclusive) legacy of these two early cultural centers among Southeast Asia's twentieth century polities.

Rebus sic stantibus as a Stabilizing Doctrine in the Climate Crisis

Climate Law ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 211-244
Author(s):  
Diana Azarnoush Arsanjani Reisman
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Third Party ◽  
International Tribunal ◽  
Bilateral Investment Treaty ◽  
Changing Climate ◽  
Investment Treaty ◽  
The Us ◽  
Orderly Fashion ◽  
The Face ◽  
Climate Crisis

Abstract In the face of massive, unanticipated and even disjunctive changes, the balance of the respective interests of the state parties to existing treaties may no longer survive the changed—or changing—climate landscape. While, ideally, the co-contracting states to such treaties could mutually agree to terminate or revise their treaty obligations to accommodate such changes and redress the now imbalance of interests in the treaty, some scenarios are bound to be contentious. In such cases, is there any other procedure that can provide for an orderly and fair adjustment of treaties so as to avert a breakdown of the network of treaties and a destabilization of world order? This article proposes that the rebus sic stantibus doctrine may function as a stabilizing doctrine for maintaining and possibly adjusting treaty regimes in an orderly fashion. Unlike the doctrine of necessity or many explicit treaty carve-outs, such as the security exception of the US Model Bilateral Investment Treaty, the doctrine of rebus sic stantibus may allow for both an objective test and also one that must be pleaded before a third-party arbiter. For this reason, rebus operates within controlled limits. Rebus offers an international tribunal the opportunity to set out a fair termination or revision of a climate-impacted treaty. I trace the evolution of rebus as a stabilizing doctrine and illustrate the potentialities of its application to the climate crisis.

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