The role of political parties in multi-level environmental governance in the European Union and Germany

The subject of the study is the involvement of political parties in multi-level environmental governance in the European Union, using Germany and its federal states as an example. This article describes the theoretical and practical foundations of multi-level governance. The place of European parties and their national member parties from Germany in the institutional system and decision-making process of environmental policy has been defined. For practical illustration, the climate policy guidelines of Germany’s main national parties (the Christian Democratic Union of Germany and the Christian Social Union in Bavaria, the Social Democratic Party of Germany, the Alternative for Germany, the Free Democratic Party of Germany, the Left and the Alliance 90 / The Greens) and their European affiliations (the European People’s Party, the Party of the European Socialists, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, the European Green Party and the Party of European Left) were compared with an emphasis on the new targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. The unique opportunity for parties to participate in environmental policymaking at all key levels, which is not limited to parliamentary institutions has been highlighted. Appointments to environmental positions at different levels often correlate with membership of the most environmentally oriented parties, although the level of environmental involvement may differ between national parties and their European affiliations. Among other things, this has to do with participation in governing coalitions and dependence on a senior partner in them, as shown by the examples of the Bundestag and the Landtag of Baden-Württemberg. The final decision depends heavily on the unity of the coalition at federal and state level, whereas in the European Parliament there is a great differentiation of opinions, which allows even the most influential European People’s Party to be blocked from voting.

Kurz will have much leverage over new Austrian leader

Significance Despite stepping down, Kurz will remain leader of the centre-right Austrian People’s Party (OVP) and the party’s parliamentary group leader. The Greens, which had threatened to bring down the government under Kurz, now appear placated and ready to work with Schallenberg. Impacts Declining support for Kurz and the OVP would likely benefit the far-right Freedom Party. Kurz's resignation will lead to pressure for more regulation on political campaign advertisements. The electoral defeat of Germany’s CDU and Kurz’s resignation will weaken the influence of the centre-right European People’s Party.

'Business as usual': The Treaty of Lisbon and transnational party manifestos

The Treaty of Lisbon was a milestone in the enduring process of empowerment of the European Parliament and its connections to the European Commission. This latest reform of the Treaties, in force since December 2009, placed the only supranational institution whose members are directly elected by all citizens of the EU (since 1979) on an equal footing with the Council as a co-legislator in around thirty additional policy areas. The Treaty of Lisbon also strengthened the European Parliament in terms of the annual and multiannual budgetary decisions, and it granted it the right to elect the President of the European Commission according to the results of the European elections. This article examines various possible effects of this major boost of the European Parliament, along with links to the European Commission in the manifestos issued by five European parties: the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), European Free Alliance (EFA), European Green Party (European Greens or EGP), European People’s Party (EPP), and Party of European Socialists (PES). It studies variations from 2004 onwards in the scope of the programmatic proposals regarding EU domains of power, the footprint in the manifestos of the transnational party organisations themselves, and eventually also of their candidates for the presidency of the European Commission. To do so, the twenty manifestos issued by the abovementioned parties for the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 European elections were content analysed. The results point to the lasting distance between these transnational parties and the European elections, despite the reinforcement of the role of the European Parliament over time.

LUCIANO BARDI, WOJCIECH GAGATEK, CARINE GERMOND, KARL MAGNUS JOHANSSON, WOLFRAM KEISER, SILVIA SASSANO The European Ambition. The Group of the European People’s Party and European Integration

The book by Luciano Bardi, Wojciech Gagatek, Carine Germond, Karl Magnus Johansson, Wolfram Keiser, Silvia Sassano, „The European Ambition. The Group of the European People’s Party and European Integration” is the result of the six authors’ cooperation and research on the evolution and activities of the Christian Democratic Group (CD) and then the European People’s Party (EPP). It constitutes a contribution to a series of publications analyzing the evolution of the European political groupings and their unique influence on the politics and development of the European Union. In the first part of the work, Wolfram Keiser characterizes the genesis, nature and evolution of the CD/EPP Group. In this chapter, author does not shy away from showing the political and historical background of the decisions made by the EPP. In the second chapter we find an in-depth analysis of the impact that the EPP had on the development of further institutional reforms and preparation of the EU treaties, including an exceptional impact on the constitutionalization and strengthening of the position of the European Parliament (EP). Carine Germond in the third part analyzes the role of the Group in creating and conducting policy within the European Union. She chose four most important areas: economic and monetary policy, social, ecological/environmental and agricultural policy for her analysis. Chapter four offers considerations on the impact and shaping of another important sphere – the EU’s external relations, including foreign security and defense, trade (including foreign trade), development policy and finally the EU enlargement policy. In chapter five, Luciano Bardi deals with the EPP from the perspective a political party and its influence on the development of the European party system. He placed the analysis of the EPP’s position as a key actor on the European Parliament’s party scene in the context of the EPP’s role in relations with EU institutions, in the foreground with the EP, but also with the Commission and the European Council. The work is based on the analysis of program documents, election manifestos of one of the most important political groups at the pan-European level, which have still the greatest influence on political decisions made in the EU. It must be stressed, this is valuable and very interesting work, and the reader will certainly not be disappointed with this publication.

Europhile Public vs Eurosceptic Governing Elite in Hungary?

The threat of an epidemic narrows the scope for political competition. As Fidesz’s position within the EU has weakened significantly with the withdrawal from the European People’s Party, and the COVID-19 crisis is generating serious social tensions, the questions seem to be more open in the spring of 2022 than during the previous three elections.

Why does the European Right accommodate backsliding states? An analysis of 24 European People’s Party votes (2011–2019)

Over the last decade, the EU’s fundamental values have been under threat at the national level, in particular among several Central and Eastern European states that joined the EU since 2004. During this time, the European People’s Party (EPP) has been criticized for its unwillingness to vote for measures that would sanction the Hungarian Fidesz government, one of its members, in breach of key democratic principles since 2010. In this paper, we seek to understand how cohesive the EPP group has been on fundamental values-related votes, how the position of EPP MEPs on these issues has evolved over time, and what explains intra-EPP disagreement on whether to accommodate fundamental values violators within the EU. To address these questions, we analyse the votes of EPP MEPs across 24 resolutions on the protection of EU fundamental values between 2011 and 2019. Our findings reveal below-average EPP cohesion on these votes, and a sharp increase in the tendency of EPP MEPs to support these resolutions over time. A number of factors explain the disagreements we find. While the EPP’s desire to maintain Fidesz within its ranks is central, this explanation does not offer a comprehensive account of the group’s accommodative behaviour. In particular, we find that ideological factors as well as the strategic interests of national governments at the EU level are central to understanding the positions of EPP MEPs, as well as the evolution of these positions over time. These results further our understanding of the nature of the obstacles to EU sanctions in fundamental values abuse cases, and the role of partisanship in fuelling EU inaction especially.

Laschet faces tough battle to become CDU chancellor

Significance His first job is to unite the party and enhance his support base. If Laschet becomes chancellor, which is not certain, he would represent continuity with the Merkel era but in a more constrained political environment. Impacts If Merz opts to stay in politics, this would threaten to make it harder for Laschet to unite the CDU. Another grand coalition between the CDU and Social Democrats (SPD) is possible if the SPD wins around 20% or more of the vote. There is little prospect of Laschet changing Merkel’s conciliatory line towards Hungary’s Fidesz Party within the European People’s Party.

La pensée des femmes catholiques en Europe. Les combats de Maria Paola Colombo Svevo

‘Equal pay for equal work’, ‘Action against trafficking in human beings’ and the ‘Role of cooperatives in the growth of women's employment’ are those three im­portant battles carried out by the women at the European Parliament in the 1990s. They represent greater justice, more dignity, increased democracy. In particular, the article wants to remember the figure of Maria Paola Colombo Svevo, senator of the Italian Christian-Democratic Party, member of the European People's Party and member of the European Parliament between 1995 and 1999.

The European Parliament and Covid-19: Organisational Adaptations and their Implications on Parliamentary Activity

As early as March 2020, the President of the European Parliament decided to shut down the assembly’s facilities in Brussels and to cancel the plenary sessions in Strasbourg . Impor­tant decisions were made to abandon in-person meetings, introduce teleworking for all staff, and implement remote deliberation and voting both in committees and in the plena­ry . The Rules of Procedure were adapted to formalize these organisational changes and make them ready for future crises . All in all, the European Parliament proved to be resilient and adaptive: it continued to discuss and adopt many legislative, budgetary, and non-legis­lative texts in the plenary . However, remote-work did have an impact on the political dynamics within Parliament . It was characterised by a very high level of consensus, as the result of a higher level of agreement between the two main party groups, the European People’s Party and the Socialists & Democrats . Those main groups also became much more cohesive .

THE RESULTS OF EUROPEAN ELECTIONS 2019: NEW ALIGNMENT OF FORCES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND EUROPEAN COMMISSION, INCLUDING GENDER ASPECT

The article presents an analysis of the results of the 2019 elections of members of the European Parliament and the formation of a new composition of the European Commission. The question of how the balance of power has changed in the new Parliament between the traditionally leading parties of the European conservatives (European people's party) and socialists (Party of European socialists), on the one hand, and the other parties (Liberals, Greens, Communists, etc.), which traditionally play a secondary role, on the other. The results of the so-called eurosceptic parties, which in recent years have significantly increased their influence both at the European and national levels, are analyzed. It shows how the election results affected the distribution of leadership positions in the European Parliament itself, as well as their impact on the formation of the new composition of the European Commission. The article examines how the mechanism of interaction between the European Parliament and the European Council has changed during the formation of the European Commission and what impact these changes have on the prospects for future interaction between these institutions. In conclusion, the prospects for further development of the European Union are outlined, including the need to reform its political and socio-economic systems.