scholarly journals Network analysis of attitudes towards immigrants in Asia

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachael Kei Kawasaki ◽  
Yuichi Ikeda

Abstract This study models cross-national attitudes towards immigrants in East and Southeast Asia as a signed and weighted bipartite network of countries and evaluative reactions to a variety of political issues, or determinants. This network is then projected into two one-mode networks, one of countries and one of determinants, and community detection methods are applied. The paper aims to fill two deficiencies in the current research on attitudes towards immigrants: 1) the lack of cross-national studies in Asia, a region where migration is growing, and 2) the tendency of researchers to treat determinants as uncorrelated, despite the interdependent nature of evaluative reactions. The results show that the nine countries in the sample are a cohesive clique, showing greater similarities than differences in the determinants of their attitudes. A blockmodeling approach was employed to identify eight determinants in attitudes towards immigrants, namely views on independence and social dependencies, group identities, absolute or relative moral orientation, attitudes towards democracy, science and technology, prejudice and stigma, and two determinants related to religion. However, the findings of this survey yielded some surprising results when compared with the literature review. First, education was not found to be a significant determinants of attitudes towards immigrants, despite its strong and consistent predictive power in European models. Second, prejudice appears to be mediated in part by religion, especially in religious identification and belief in God. Group identity and prejudice also appear to be related, though only weakly. Finally, anxiety appears in clusters related to social norms, suggesting that fears regarding immigrants relates closely to expectations of others’ behavior.

2015 ◽  
Vol 117 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
David C. Berliner

Trying to understand PISA is analogous to the parable of the blind men and the elephant. There are many facets of the PISA program, and thus many ways to both applaud and critique this ambitious international program of assessment that has gained enormous importance in the crafting of contemporary educational policy. One of the facets discussed in this paper is the issue of the comparability of the cognitions elicited by items across national and linguistic cultures. Valid interpretations of PISA results cannot proceed without assurance that items across nations are interpreted in the same way. A second facet examined is the association of PISA with economic outcomes for nations, still an unsettled area of importance. A third facet discussed is the search in PISA data for universally applicable instructional techniques, a possible will-o-the-wisp. A fourth facet examined is the differences in cross-national attitudes toward the PISA subjects and how those affect test scores. Given these many facets of the program, a fifth facet that is arguably the most important of all the issues associated with PISA is discussed, namely the interpretation of PISA scores.


Author(s):  
Maxime Lepoutre

This chapter turns to the problem that political ignorance poses for democratic public discourse. It is often held (1) that ordinary citizens know too little to engage competently in public debates about politics and (2) that, because of the influence of group identity on political beliefs (or ‘group cognition’), this problematic ignorance is here to stay. The chapter argues that this influential worry fails, because it misunderstands the epistemic function of social group identities. The experiences involved in being a member of a particular social group are epistemically useful for deciding whose political judgment and what political information to trust. This is true even when it comes to scientific questions that bear on political issues, and even when people are dogmatically committed to their group perspectives. So, group cognition constitutes a useful tool for managing and overcoming political ignorance—and, by extension, for defusing the threat it raises for public discourse.


2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 381-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Masamichi Sasaki ◽  
Tatsuzo Suzuki ◽  
Masato Yoneda

AbstractLanguage is an unquestionable prerequisite for human communication. As such the study of language is intrinsic to sociology. This paper explores briefly the importance of language study to sociology. The apparent dominance of English as the international language is discussed in some detail. The paper's principal focus is to examine cross-national attitudes about English as the international language of non-English language speaking peoples and of peoples who speak English only as a foreign language. Extensive empirical findings about these attitudes are examined in an effort to predict the future direction of the spread of English as international language. Though many of the findings suggest extraordinary levels of ambivalence about English as international language, the results suggest many opportunities for further study.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qi Li ◽  
Chris Knoester ◽  
Richard Petts

Using cross-national data from the 2012 International Social Survey Programme (N = 33,273), this study considers institutional, self-interest, and ideational factors in analyzing public opinions about the provision, length, and source of paid parental leave offerings for fathers. We find substantial support for generous leave offerings. Multilevel regression results reveal that being a woman, supporting dual-earning expectations, and realizing more family strains lead to support for more generous leave offerings. Endorsing separate spheres and intensive mothering attitudes reduces support for more generous leave offerings; although, gendered attitudes interact with one another in predicting leave preferences, too. Finally, country-level indicators of female empowerment and father-specific leave offerings are positively associated with preferences for more generous leave offerings. Overall, public opinions about fathers’ leave offerings across OECD countries largely support policies that provide opportunities for more involved fathering, but preferences continue to be gendered and linked to family strains and country-level contexts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-471
Author(s):  
Robert O. Keohane

AbstractIn their article “Just War and Unjust Soldiers: American Public Opinion on the Moral Equality of Combatants,” Scott Sagan and Benjamin Valentino argue that the American public evaluates soldiers’ wartime actions more according to whether the war they are fighting was initiated justly, than on their actions during warfare. In this respect, their views are more similar to those of revisionist philosophers than to those of traditional just war theorists. Before leaping to broad conclusions from their survey, it should be replicated. If the findings hold in the replication, intriguing questions could be asked about comparative cross-national attitudes and about the relationship between democracy and war.


1985 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary P. Freeman

ABSTRACTA vigorous tradition in comparative politics argues that national policymakers develop characteristic and durable methods for dealing with public issues, that these can be linked to policy outcomes, and that they can be systematically compared. More recently, a number of scholars have suggested reversing the direction of causality, claiming that the nature of political issues themselves causes the politics associated with them. This policy sector approach implies that there should be cross-national similarities in the way issues are treated, whatever the styles particular nations adopt. The two approaches need to be integrated into a common framework built around a research strategy that investigates policymaking within specific sectors across multiple national cases. Such an approach can transcend the often sterile debate over whether the policies of nations are unique or are converging by seeking to explain how the nature of issues structures the variation among the policies of nations.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas Kaplan ◽  
Anthony Vaccaro ◽  
Max Henning ◽  
Leonardo Christov-Moore

Despite evidence in support of the benefits of wearing masks, attitudes about mask-wearing during the COVID-19 pandemic became politicized, and therefore tied with political values and group identities. When communicating about political issues, messages targeted to resonate with the core values of the receiver may be effective, an approach known as moral reframing. We first tested the relationships between moral values and mask-wearing in a sample (N=540) of self-identified liberals, conservatives, and moderates in the United States. Anti-mask attitudes were stronger in conservatives, and were associated with increased concerns for in-group loyalty, national identity, and personal liberty. We then crafted messages about the benefits of mask-wearing framed to resonate with these moral concerns, and in a pre-registered study of N=597 self-identified U.S. conservatives, tested the effect of moral reframing on anti-mask attitudes and behaviors. We found that messages framed in terms of loyalty, with appeals to the protection of the community and America, were effective in reducing anti-mask beliefs, compared with unrelated control messages and messages delivering purely scientific information, and that these changes in belief persisted for at least one week. Exploratory analyses showed that participants who saw loyalty-framed messages reported wearing masks in public more frequently in the subsequent week. These data provide evidence that moral reframing of messages about politicized issues can be effective, and specifically that framing messages about health behaviors in terms of group loyalty may be the most productive way of communicating with conservative audiences.


1998 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-269
Author(s):  
Camilla Gibb

The Harari are a recently formed diaspora of Muslim elites from the walled city of Harar in eastern Ethiopia. Ethiopians as a whole have not had a history of migration—of moving abroad permanently or changing their citizenship (Catholic Immigration Centre 1). The Harari have been particularly localized and were described as late as the mid-1960s as a “one city culture” (Waldron, “Social” 6) because the overwhelming majority of their numbers resided inside the old city wall. Today, only about one-third of the total population lives in the old city, the majority of them elder inhabitants. The largest concentration of Hararis outside Ethiopia is now in Toronto, Ontario: nearly 10% of the entire population lives in this diverse Canadian city. In this paper, I draw upon comparative ethnographic fieldwork with Hararis in Harar and Toronto to explore the ways in which this move from Ethiopia, as asylum seekers or as immigrants to Canada, has affected individual and group identities. Against the backdrop of Ethiopia’s new multiethnic government, Canadian multiculturalism policies, and the refugee and immigrant journeys between the two countries, Hararis and members of more than the seventy other officially recognized qabila, or nationalities, in Ethiopia are struggling to redefine themselves both at home and abroad.


Author(s):  
Amy Adamczyk

This chapter examines the roles of economic development and democracy for shaping attitudes, and it tests competing arguments for other macro-level processes. Theoretical insight from the works of Inglehart, Schwartz, and Hofstede are used to explain why economic development would be associated with cross-national differences in attitudes. The potential macro-level influence of education, gender and economic inequality, and nongovernment organizations are also considered. However, a multilevel analysis of World Values Survey data shows that they do not appear to have an effect in light of the influences of religion, economic development, and democracy. The chapter ends by discussing the limitations with survey data for understanding cross-national attitudes and makes the case for the usefulness of country case studies to better understand how religion, economic development, and democracy shape attitudes within individual nations.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document