Economic regulation and the late nineteenth-century Supreme Court: An economic interpretation of the relation between police powers and substantive due process

1993 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-284
Author(s):  
Edd S. Noell
Author(s):  
Bryan Wagner

Theatricality was essential to the legal process in late nineteenth-century police courts. Structured to dispatch their dockets quickly and inexpensively, police courts had no pretense to due process, and their outcomes were left to the discretion of the mayor or magistrate, leaving a lot of room for improvisation. After the format for blackface theater was standardized in the 1840s, the afterpiece of many shows was set in a police court, and these burlesque courtroom scenes betray a surprisingly robust understanding of the mechanics of the minor judiciary. Combined readings of a blackface theater script and of late nineteenth-century reporting on these tribunals show how representations of police courts, which were viewed as a form of entertainment, derived from the standard minstrel repertoire. Spectators of the play as well as readers of newspapers experienced the courtroom as popular theater, where people whose rights were rarely respected experienced the theater of law.


Author(s):  
Michael J. Pfeifer

This chapter examines the contexts and discourse surrounding the seven lynchings that occurred in Michigan in the latter decades of the nineteenth century. The relative infrequency of lynching in Michigan was due to the Wolverine State's somewhat earlier white settlement in the 1820s and 1830s, slightly before a prolonged culture conflict between “rough justice” and “due process” sentiments flared across extensive parts of the Midwest, West, and South. The comparative paucity of collective killing in Michigan also stemmed from its preponderance of Yankee settlers, and from its smaller proportion of emigrants from the Upland South. Sporadic lynchings in Michigan drew meaning from varied contexts that included the highly racialized discourse that accompanied the social and political alterations of the Civil War and Reconstruction.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (03) ◽  
pp. 475-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin J. Wert

At the beginning of the twentieth century, Charles McIlwain observed that the new histories of the Magna Carta were portraying the charter as a “document of reaction” that could only fulfill its purported greatness “when men [were] no longer able to understand its real meaning” (McIlwain 1914, 46). Characteristic of these early-twentieth-century writers was Edward Jenks, who, in his 1904 article “The Myth of Magna Carta,” came to the conclusion that the real beneficiaries of the document—theliber homoof Article 39—were not “the people” we traditionally imagine, but rather an “aristocratic class … who can no more be ranked amongst the people, than the country gentleman of to-day” (Jenks 1904, 269). Although Jenks's position is often criticized as extreme, it is nevertheless the case that virtually all of the Magna Carta's modern commentators recognize vast historical inaccuracies in the Whiggish accounts of the charter's development up until the late nineteenth century (Radin 1946; Reid 1993; Halliday 2010, 15–16). What these new revisionist histories suggested was that the Magna Carta's great provisions—due process and trial by jury—only became great when, forgetting or ignoring the charter's seemingly lackluster beginnings, generations subsequent to 1215 gave them new meaning.


1993 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 383-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Chomsky

The years between 1890 and 1937 traditionally have been viewed as a period of extreme judicial activism with respect to economic regulation, a time during which courts, both state and federal, interfered on a grand scale with legislative reform agendas. Fueled by the constitutional theories of Thomas Cooley and Christopher Tiedeman, the story goes, the courts became bastions of laissez-faire constitutionalism, relying on doctrines of substantive due process and liberty of contract to invalidate legislative efforts to redress social and economic inequality.


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